Volume 111 2002 > Volume 111, No. 1 > O.G.S. Crawford and the Mana Expedition to Easter Island (Rapa Nui), 1913-1915, by Jo Anne Van Tilburg, p 65-78
O.G.S. CRAWFORD AND THE MANA EXPEDITION TO EASTER ISLAND (RAPA NUI), 1913-1915.
Katherine Maria Routledge (née Pease 1866-1935, Fig.1a) and her husband Willliam Scoresby Routledge (1859-1939, Fig.1b) were co-leaders of the Mana Expedition to Easter Island (Raps Nui). Although not institutionally based, the Routledges were affiliated with the British Association for the Advancement of Science, the British Museum and the Royal Geographical Society. This article describes the impact on the expedition of the Routledges' interactions with archaeologist Osbert Guy Stanhope (O.G.S.) Crawford (Fig.2) and geologist Frederick Lowry-Corry.
Figure 1a. Katherine Maria Pease Routledge (1866-1935). Photo courtesy Peter Bucknall., Figure lb. William Scoresby Routledge (1859-1939). Photo courtesy Peter Bucknall., Figure 2. Osbert Guy Stanhope Crawford, Portsmouth, 1912. Photo courtesy of O.G.S.Crawford Photographic Archive, University of Oxford.
In 1891 Katherine Pease was admitted to Somerville Hall (now College), Oxford. Women students were allowed to take the same exams as men in a limited range of subjects, but the degrees earned were withheld. Katherine's matriculation at Somerville coincided with intense efforts to gain degree recognition for women. R.R. Marett (1910, 1941), renowned scholar of comparative religion, Fellow of Exeter College and founder of the Oxford University Anthropological Society, championed this effort. Marett was Katherine's mentor and friend, and his intellectual influence on her was substantial (Van Tilburg n.d.).
Katherine received no instruction in surveying, excavation or museum studies, and Oxford's first diplomas in anthropology were not established until 1905 or awarded until 1908, more than a decade after her departure and two years after she received an ad eundem M.A. degree in modern history from Trinity College, Dublin. It also must be noted that, although she was a brilliant and exceptional woman, Katherine suffered symptoms ultimately diagnosed as paranoid schizophrenia. During the Rapa Nui period of her life, however, the disease was largely dormant to mild, and she implemented a variety of control techniques that provided stability.
William Scoresby Routledge was born in Melbourne and held an M.A. from Christ Church, Oxford. He trained as a surgeon at University College London, where he received the Physiology Prize in 1883 and, in 1888-89, won the coveted Erichsen Prize for Practical Surgery. He traveled in British East Africa from 1902 to 1904 (Meinertzhagen 1957, Routledge 1906). The Routledges lived in Africa from 1906 to 1908, where Katherine acquired ethnographic expertise and Scoresby conducted minor excavations (Leakey 1977, Routledge and Routledge 1910).
Mounting the Expedition
The Mana Expedition was created at the suggestion of Thomas Athol Joyce, Assistant Keeper, Department of British and Medieval Antiquities and Ethnography, British Museum. Joyce and A.W.F. Fuller, a London solicitor and internationally known collector, believed that Rapa Nui's labyrinthine web of lava tubes and caves concealed priceless kohau rongorongo, pieces of wood covered with tiny, incised characters representing an elusive and unique “script”. The source of that belief was Henry Percy Edmunds, the English manager of a sheep ranch on Rapa Nui who excavated caves and other sites and sold artefacts to Fuller.
The Routledges framed four basic research questions: Who were the people who had discovered and settled remote and nearly inaccessible Rapa Nui? Where did they come from? What, exactly, was the significance of the statues? How are the statues linked to the present inhabitants of the island? Writing in 1919, Katherine anticipated the comparative strategy of historical anthropology used today in Polynesian studies. “In dealing with any scientific problem,” she said, “the first step naturally is to find out all that can be discovered…, while the second is to co-ordinate that material with similar examples elsewhere, so that knowledge which may fail from one source, can be supplied from another” (Routledge 1919:xi).
The Routledges hired Henry James Gillam of Emsworth, Hampshire, to captain their state-of-the-art yacht. She was christened Mana, a Polynesian word suggested by Marett because of its good luck connotations. O.G.S. Crawford (1955:81) later - 67 noted that mana was an “untranslatable” word chosen to flatter Marett. Scoresby requested the loan of a navigator from the Admiralty. The first man he engaged is not known, nor is his reason for leaving the expedition. The second was Lieutenant R. Douglas Graham. At Scoresby's request Graham took a course in plane table surveying from the Royal Geographical Society, but resigned over a disagreement about the chain of command. 1 Lieutenant David Ronald Ritchie, Royal Navy, replaced him. Ritchie was 26 years old and single, a career naval officer just home from China. He had joined the Navy in 1903, passed nine seamanship exams, qualified as a navigator and attained the rank of lieutenant by 1908. 2
Katherine and Marett created a scientific advisory committee. Members included W.H.R. Rivers, a psychologist and expert on Melanesia, A.C. Haddon, a Cambridge scholar who had led an expedition to Torres Straits in 1898, and C.G. Seligman, a pioneer survey ethnographer. Unfortunately for Rapa Nui, T.A. Joyce told Scoresby that the Mana Expedition did not need an experienced archaeologist. There was, he said, “no need to use the care in excavation there that is necessary in Egypt; you don't expect to find stratified remains which it is possible to date by their position, & as for results I feel that you would do more with a spoon there than a spade elsewhere.” 3
The Routledges looked for men—women were not considered—with a broad knowledge of natural history. James H. Worthington, the son of a wealthy Liverpool ship owner, signed on very quickly after his father made the required contribution of £500 to the expedition. Worthington's consuming passion was astronomy, and he hoped to record a total eclipse of the sun in Rio de Janeiro. Scoresby sent Worthington to Marett to study anthropology and to the Royal Geographical Society to learn plane table surveying. Worthington and Scoresby were at loggerheads until he resigned and Scoresby sued him. 4
In 1911, Oxford geographer A.J. Herbertson recommended 25 year-old O.G.S. Crawford to Marett. When the Routledges met him Crawford was working as a Junior Demonstrator in Geography at Oxford. They accepted him on condition that he undertake a course in surveying, study with Marett and pass the Diploma Examination in anthropology. Crawford's financial circumstances were sharply limited, and Scoresby encouraged him to apply for a traveling fellowship at Queen's College Oxford, but he was unsuccessful. 5 Scoresby then cut down Crawford's required contribution from £500 to £100 pounds, and Crawford raised half of it. His expenses would be covered by the expedition and Crawford would work off the other half of the contribution as Purser. Crawford (1955:82) thought he had entered a “curious three-sided bargain by which Marett got a pupil for his course, Mrs. Routledge got an excavator for nothing” and he would gain field experience.
Katherine and Crawford attended meetings of the Oxford University Anthropological Society, where she gave occasional papers at Marett's request. Crawford and other “underdressed, earnest men” were dismissive of Katherine. 6 Crawford (1955:77-78) said that she had “come under the spell of Marett and was taking his course, or had taken it” and “picked up” anthropology from him. A promising 23 year-old Cambridge man named Frederick Lowry-Corry filled the post of Mana Expedition geologist. He also signed on as Purser, and intended to - 68 join the expedition in Punta Arenas, Chile.
Atlantic to the Pacific: “an archaeological fiasco”
After departing on March 25, 1913, Mana encountered bad weather and all of the ship's bread was spoiled. Crawford (1955: 81-90) said that “mutinous talk” began, and Mana put into Funchal, Madeira. Fresh provisions were needed and Crawford, as Purser, was obligated to help. After exploring, ascending a mountain peak and dining with Lt Ritchie at a local hotel, Crawford finally found time to buy fresh vegetables. “I was cross-examined by Mrs. Routledge about the cost of each purchase,” Crawford (1955:85-86) wrote, “to make sure that I had bought at the cheapest rate; and … was a very careful counting of the change I handed back.” Crawford (1955:86) refused to do any more provisioning and had, he said, “the full moral support of everyone else on board except Routledge”.
Mana departed Funchal for Grand Canary Island (Fig.3). Lt Ritchie and Crawford had time to get to know one another, and neither was impressed. Ritchie thought Crawford impractical, and lectured that his chosen profession of archaeology was a lazy man's game. Crawford, in turn, considered Ritchie to be “tactless and annoying”. 7 At Las Palmas the hold was full of seawater, and boxes of tea were laid out on trays in the sun. The crew now imagined themselves washing down moldy bread with seawater-sodden tea and groaned in despair.
Figure 3. Henry James Gillam (left), O.G.S. Crawford and Albert Light “on the schooner Mana in the trades (Atlantic),” 1913. Photo Courtesy O.G.S. Crawford Photographic Collection, University of Oxford.
Mana was in port for three miserable weeks, and Crawford acted as if he were a lucky tourist disembarking from a cruise ship rather than a working member of the Mana Expedition. He found the delay “rather nice as it will enable me to explore the island”. 8 Crawford (1955:87-88) “did not see why, if Ritchie could be allowed to enjoy himself in his way, I should not do so in mine.” Five days before departure Crawford and Mana engineer Frank T. Green got drunk on local rum and were hauled on board by the watch. There was a terrible row, and Crawford told the Routledges “things about themselves that I don't think they knew”, including their “extraordinary lack of courtesy” and “appalling stinginess”. 9 He demanded personal time in all ports and freedom from provisioning duties. Katherine negotiated an agreement giving him three or four days per week off duty.
From Grand Canary Island to St Vincent (Cape Verde Islands) Crawford did not speak to the Routledges and meals were taken in uneasy silence. Scoresby worried that Crawford had some secret agenda he did not know about—a pact with other researchers to benefit personally from the Mana Expedition—and became obsessed over Crawford's behaviour. In fact, Crawford had agreed to collect objects, take photos and make observations for Henry Balfour and others. One night Scoresby crept stealthily on deck and angrily accused him of sitting down while on watch. Crawford lost his temper and told Scoresby that he wanted to leave the expedition at St Vincent.
A formal meeting was held to discuss the matter. Katherine sat at the table in the saloon and read a statement asking the men to forgive and forget. Crawford refused to apologise. Scoresby threatened to send out a circular letter about the incidents—a gesture that would have damaged Crawford's budding career—and dramatically entered “discharged” in the logbook after his name. Gossip swirled over the ship, and Crawford became convinced Scoresby was going to put him under house arrest. At St Vincent Scoresby stiffly shook Crawford's hand and said goodbye. Crawford asked the British Consul for help and wrote a hasty letter home.
I have had to resign my position on board the Mana. The behavior of the Routledges has been perfectly impossible & no one in my position would continue to tolerate it. Everyone on board completely agrees that I have taken the right course & wonder that I have put up with them so long. There is not a soul on board whom the R's have not exasperated beyond bearing, but with the exception of Ritchie they are all in their pay & therefore clutches & unable to get out of it. Ritchie has told me that he wishes he could leave with me but he is not in a position to do so now. He has however consulted the consul here & he has practically decided to resign shortly when he has had time to make his preparations, unless things improve. He dislikes the Routledges as intensely as I do, & can hardly bear to speak to them. 10
Crawford made his way to Liverpool on a cargo boat and told his story. Some of his friends were “in a condition of white-hot indignation”, and accused Scoresby of being “a selfish brute to whom other people's careers are a matter of absolute - 70 indifference”. 11 Katherine complained to Marett. He felt “dreadfully sorry for having so strongly recommended a man who evidently wasn' the right man for the job”. 12 He told her she could handle the work herself, and to focus on caves: “Other things—survey of islands, photographs of remaining monuments, descriptions of modern islanders, etc—seem to me quite secondary compared with discovery and investigation of caves.” 13
Crawford avoided Marett, finally asking a mutual friend to intercede. 14 The Routledges never referred to Crawford by name in any publication, but they were aware of his subsequent career (cf. Crawford 1921, 1953, Crawford and Keiller 1928). In 1937 Scoresby was a 79 year-old widower on the island of Cyprus. One night he ran into Crawford as both men entered the restaurant of the Nicosia Hotel. Scoresby was alone, but Crawford (1955:239) thought “he was a terrible bore and had few friends, and it would have been difficult to avoid his company if we had made up the old quarrel”.
Figure 4. Pacific track of Mana, showing emergency return from Juan Fernandez Island to Valparaiso and one of three round-trip voyages between Rapa Nui and mainland Chile. Photo courtesy The British Museum
Fredrick Lowry-Corry joined the expedition in Punta Arenas and on 14 January 1914 Mana arrived in Talcahuano, Chile. Everyone on board was disgruntled, and Lt Ritchie was nearing desperation. 15 Mana departed for Juan Fernandez Island on the unlucky day of Friday, 13 February. Lowry-Corry had a slight fever that developed into typhoid, and Scoresby came down with dysentery. Mana moored head and stern in Cumberland Bay, Juan Fernandez Island, and then tossed for four miserable days in heavy squalls. Everyone agreed that the only hope was to turn around and race back to Valparaiso. Scoresby recovered but Lowry-Corry was transferred to the British and American Hospital. Mana departed again and, although Katherine held out hope that Lowry-Corry would rejoin the expedition, he returned to England. The Mana Expedition was now without scientific staff.
Ethnology and Archaeology on Easter Island
Henry James Gillam assisted Ritchie in mapping major Rapa Nui landmarks from the deck of Mana. Engineer Frank T. Green acted as expedition photographer until his departure in December of 1914. 16 Henry MacLean, a Chilean citizen hired on Juan Fernandez Island, served as translator until August of 1914, when Scoresby fired him. Lt Ritchie kept his distance from the Routledges, but his navigational expertise transferred well to the role of cartographer. Some Rapa Nui men, including Antonio Haoa Pakomio, worked on a wide variety of sites and tasks. Juan Tepano, the “headman” of Hanga Roa, the island's only village, assisted with logistics, arranged ethnographic contacts and, by the time the expedition departed, had become Katherine's chief consultant, field assistant and collaborator.
Lt Ritchie's first mapping task was Puna Pau quarry, and he completed it in nine days with Antonio Haoa. Preliminary work began at the important ceremonial site of Orongo upon arrival and continued until July of 1914. There was then a long break until December, when investigations were taken up again. Ritchie mapped the entire Orongo complex, including exterior plans of buildings 12-15 and an interior plan of 22. Green took photographs but also cleared and “partially excavated” at least two Orongo buildings. Rapa Nui people always referred to the buildings as ana (cave), not hare (house), and they are cave-like. Excavation procedures, unfortunately, did not follow even Marett's perfunctory advice.
Fix a base line by means of a firmly moored tape, and with two sticks nailed across each other exactly at right angles you can plot out the ground plan in squares of a foot (or yds if a big cave, or better still, perhaps, meters). Then when each object is found put it in [a] separate envelope or packet and mark at time of finding the space in which it was found and the depth. In a big cave, of course, it may be impossible to cover the whole area, but in that case choose a likely spot and make a broad trench—broad enough to allow free work, and light—and carry it right across the cave, and down to the bottom, if you can reach it; get perpendicular section, and examine it carefully for evidence of stratification. If different soils, bring away specimens of each (labeling [sic] each carefully). Bone, implements, etc. can be identified at leisure afterwards; but the man on the spot must locate exactly. 17- 72
Katherine excavated four Orongo buildings, made careful notes of pre-selected categories of information and then abandoned even the use of the word “excavation” and “dug” another three. Digging was shallow scraping of extremely hard-packed floors and entry passages. Scoresby excavated four other buildings with more care, but his fieldnotes also exclude levels or locations of artifacts. Katherine traced genealogies connecting a family web of almost 200 Rapa Nui people going back three or more generations. She secured the basic ethnographic outline of Orongo iconography and rituals.
Working with the Mana crewman Albert Light, Lt Ritchie accomplished a triangulated survey of Rano Raraku, the statue quarry, using a 4 inch theodolite loaned by the Admiralty. They measured the base of the volcano twice, once using 100 feet of steel chain, and Ritchie used a sextant and station pointer to complete a topographical survey of the adjacent coastline, locating the positions of statues and ahu. He surveyed the interior of Rano Raraku as well, locating 117 statues (but missing 26 others).
After Ritchie's departure to return to duty the Routledges mapped portions of the interior and exterior quarries and slopes. Ritchie had left surveying equipment with Scoresby, but he did not use it. Instead, he relied upon a compass and his camera, taking photographs and precise orientations. Katherine created a large, very rough watercolor sketch of the southeastern portion of the exterior crater. She or a workman scrambled up and down slopes to find about one-third of known statues and then, using binoculars, pinpointed them on her sketch. A Royal Geographical Society draftsperson used spliced panoramic photos, compass orientations, fieldnotes and sketches to produce diagrammatic sketches. Allowing for proportional discrepancies in distance and statue size, the results are an acceptable preliminary effort.
The goal of the Mana Expedition's statue inventory was to document what each statue in Rano Raraku looked like. Katherine told her family that she was “having a happy time over final work on the statues—we have measured & described every one in the quarries—(7 measurements for each).” 18 That was, unfortunately, an overstatement. A preliminary number was assigned to each statue as it was mapped, but Katherine's journal refers to statues by descriptive names. To find the description of a particular statue in Mana Expedition papers, a list of names must be constructed from Katherine's journal. Then the numbers assigned to statues during mapping must be located in a notebook and matched with the names. Co-ordinating that information with yet another re-numbered sequence that she used at the pre-publication stage may lead to actually finding the statue in a measurement table.
In the first week of September the Routledges covered all of Rano Raraku, interior and exterior, in an effort to “decide what statues to dig out”. 19 The excavations themselves are also a big problem. “Digging out” was done, with little or no supervision, by Rapa Nui workmen or, on one occasion, by crewmembers of a French ship. Trenches were left open for weeks or filled in and then reopened or collapsed. This terrible situation was a function of time and labour shortages, but also of carelessness and the Routledges’ unfortunate belief that they did not need to worry about stratigraphy. They dug 20 statues for certain but perhaps as many as - 73 ten more, and artefact locations cannot be pinpointed. 20
Katherine uncovered a dorsal design on several statues and dubbed it “ring and girdle”. She collected details of similar designs once painted on the backs of children during Orongo rituals. She theorised that body paintings, the “ring and girdle” and some woodcarving designs had similar significance, and concluded that statues were the product of an integrated and long-lasting culture (Routledge 1919: Figs 114,120). 21 In this manner, she followed basic anthropological method: the meaning of cultural symbols may be discerned by exploring the range of contexts in which people use and communicate through them.
Mana Expedition Outcomes
Scoresby demanded a large lecture hall for the massive crowds he expected to attend his presentation to the British Association. Members—including O.G.S. Crawford's father-figure Harold Peake—resisted, and he read his paper in a modest hall to moderate enthusiasm.” 22 He gave a more elaborate presentation to the Royal Geological Society of London and also asked Sir Arthur Keith to study 58 Rapa Nui skulls, some decorated with incised lines. Keith noted that most specimens were from the latter part of the 19th century, and suggested that they approached the Melanesian more than the Polynesian type. 23 T.A. Joyce cautiously concurred, raising serious questions about Rapa Nui origins. Katherine (1917a,b, 1920) presented ethnographic and symbolic data to support cultural continuity. W.H.R. Rivers and others built on Keith's opinion to draw iconographic comparisons between Orongo designs and similar ones in the Solomon Islands. The resultant discussion was heated and shaped, in part, by the structure of professional and gender relationships, and the nascent status of Pacific studies.
The Mana Expedition examined nearly 1000 archaeological sites and “dug” as many as 100. Some 260 ahu (platforms) were assigned to one of three major categories on the basis of design attributes and valid prototypes for two categories were drafted. Ahu that had once supported statues represented about one-third of the total. All ahu, they noted, were once used for burials, but Scoresby overlooked evidence of cremation entirely. Clan identities were attached to some ahu sites and 391 statues were inventoried—about 44 percent of the actual total.
The paper trail the Routledges followed as they prepared their survey data for publication is well marked. 24 They made excellent progress through the “Northern” and “Western” divisions of the island and Orongo, but faltered at Rano Raraku. They were unable to report their statue excavations with the degree of precision scholarly critics required; Keith's suggestion of a Melanesian influence in Rapa Nui skeletal remains was impossible to argue without better documentation, and the Routledge marriage and scholarly collaboration was compromised by Katherine's mental illness.
It is impossible to know what the Mana Expedition's legacy might have been had O.G.S. Crawford and Frederick Lowry-Corry remained on the crew. It is - 74 reasonable to presume that excavations would have been more carefully conducted and recorded. Katherine Routledge was not an unscientific travel writer, but her fieldnotes are a polyglot of local vernacular, shorthand spellings, idiosyncratic phrasing and confusing internal cataloging. Careful analysis, however, reveals that her ethnographic methods were superior to her archaeological procedures. She applied three tests of credence to her data: plausibility, consistency and comprehensiveness. She avoided hearsay and evaluated data using reasoned speculation and reasonable presumption.
How did Katherine Routledge's mental illness impact her work, and what does that mean for contemporary research use of Mana Expedition fieldnotes? She was a Spiritualist who believed that the auditory hallucinations caused by her mental illness could be channeled through “automatic writing”. Her emotional state may be discerned through certain attributes of her handwriting. In the course of writing her biography I have compiled evidence, described elsewhere, that on Rapa Nui her illness was almost dormant and she was largely in control of its symptoms (Van Tilburg n.d. ). The non-reflective and non-interpretive, objective content of her fieldnotes can be usefully separated from her subjective “written attempts to impose order on the external world” (Ottenberg 1990:141).
Thanks to Andrew Tathum, Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers); Jenny Hurst, British Geological Survey; Graham McKenna, British Geological Society; Jennifer Gill, County Durham Archivist; Alison Deeprose, British Museum; Samuel Hyde, Bodleian Library Department of Special Collections and Western Manuscripts and Bob Wilkins, O.G.S. Crawford Photographic Collection, Oxford. Tracy Oh, UCLA Rock Art Archive, prepared illustrations.- 75
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1 Lowry-Corry-Crawford 20 June 1912; E.A. Reeves-Crawford 9 July 1912; Katherine Scoresby Routledge (KSR)-Crawford 13 Feb. 1913; Crawford-Lowry-Corry 8 July 1913; Graham-Crawford 1 Feb. 1914 with enclosure (BOD MS).
2 PRO ADM 196/50 PT 2 E. Routledge 1917b:322; Anon. [Sec. of the Society] 1918.
3 Joyce-William Scoresby Routledge (WSR) 13 Oct. 1911 (RGS LBR.MSS 4/1); Crawford-WSR n.d. (BOD MS).
4 “Log Books of the Yacht Mana” (RGS LBR.MSS AR 143 #1); Crawford 1955: 81; Marett-Crawford 13 March 1912; Worthington-Crawford 19 March 1912; Worthington-Crawford 8 Aug. 1913; Marett-Crawford I May 1912; Worthington-Crawford 29 March 1912; KSR-Crawford 13 Feb. (BOD MS).
5 Draft letter concerning application for Travelling Fellowship at Queens College, Oxford, c. 1912 with related correspondence: Henry Balfour-Crawford n.d.; Marett-Crawford 7 May 1912; Tracey-Crawford 28 April 1912; Lock-Crawford 6 June 1912 (BOD MS).
6 D/GP 6, v.27, p.41.
7 C.M.A. Peake-Crawford 5 March 1913[?]; Crawford-“All” 16 April 1913-20, 9 pp.; Crawford -G.A. Crawford, 2 postcards, 22 April 1913, 5 May 1913 (BOD MS).
8 Crawford-"All” 16 April 1913-20 April 1913, 9 pp.; Crawford-GA. Crawford 5 May 1913 (BOD MS).
9 Crawford “All” 16 April 1913-20 April 1913, 9 pp. (BOD MS).
10 Crawford-"All” 18 May 1913, 2 pp.; 2 postcards Crawford-G.A. Crawford 27 May 1913 and 29 May 1913, one with photo by Green (BOD MS).
11 C. Morley-Crawford 20 June 1913; Lowry-Corry-Crawford 17 April 1913; H. Dewett-Crawford 18 Sept 1912 (BOD MS).
12 Marett-KSR 21 June 1912 (RGS LBR.MSS 4/1); Graham-Crawford 9 June 1913; Graham-Crawford 4 June 1913; H.D [Herbertson]-Crawford 25 Sept. 1913 (BOD MS).
13 Marett-KSR 21 June 1912 (RGS LBR.MSS 4/1).
14 Crawford-Marett 23 June 1913 (BOD MS). Prof. E.A. Hooten intervened.
15 Ritchie-Crawford March 1914; Graham-Crawford 26 March 1914; Green-Crawford, postcard, 11 Feb. 1914 (BOD MS). By 1916, Lowry-Corry had been killed in the First World War.
16 Green-Crawford 19 Aug. 1913, 6 pp.; Green-Crawford 17 Feb. 1914 (BOD MS).
17 Marett-KSR 21 June 1912 (RGS LBR.MSS 4/1); KSR (1917a:342, 1919:255); RGS LBR.MSS 4/2/1, Section VI “Orongo Houses,” p.101 and 4/10/14, p.9.
18 KSR to “My Dearests” Easter Sunday [4 April]-15 June 1915 (RGS LBR.MSS 4/10/34, 4 pp. double sided plus 1).
19 KSR journal 6 Sept (RGS LBR.MSS 4/0).
20 WSR-Joyce 4 Sept 1925 (RGS LBR.MSS); Crawford 1955:87; Pitt Rivers Museum (PRM) 14.1.02; WSR-Balfour 26 July 1934 (PRM); John Charles Dundas Harington donated African objects inherited from WSR, 1951 (PRM 1922.214.171.124-34).
21 KSR uncovered the “ring and girdle” on “Papa” (Statue I and No. 109; Routledge 1919: Figs 17, 64) and “Papa's Wife” (Statue II and No. 108); RGS LBR.MSS 4/9 Mon. 21 Sept.-Sat 26 Sept.; Tues. 13 Oct. The key to understanding the design was Hoa Hakananai'a. RGS LBR.MSS 4/3/2, p.27; 4/9 26 May 1914; 4/10 KSR-PE 17 Nov. 1914; 4/21, 4/16; 4/8, p.52, 4/3/1;Van Tilburg 2001.
22 Peake-Crawford 22 Oct. 1916, 13 Sept. 1916, 29 Sept. 1916 (BOD MS); RGS LBR.MSS 4/10/42.
23 “Preliminary Report on the Collection of Human Skulls and Bones Made on Rapa Nui by Mr. and Mrs. Scoresby Routledge,” Arthur Keith, M.D.F.R.S, 15 pp typescript (RGS LBR.MSS 4/10/45); Routledge 1919:295.
24 RGS LBR MSS. 4/2/3 WSR-Ferreir 1 June 1917, Ferreir-WSR 13 July 1917.