Volume 63 1954 > Volume 63, No. 1 > Maori affairs and the New Zealand Press. Part II, by R. Thompson, p 1-16
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THE previous article outlined the scope and methods of a content analysis of Maori news appearing in a sample of the Press of New Zealand over a period of twelve months. In addition, some account was given of the newspapers' picture of Maori affairs in terms of the relative amount of attention given to the various aspects of Maori life and activity. This article describes the pattern of characteristics which underlay the apparent heterogeneity of newspaper reporting with regard to Maori affairs. Some of the ways in which these attributes were revealed in stereotyped form are also considered. The following characteristics emerged from the thematic and favourability analyses as being important.


(1) The Maoris are generous and hospitable: ‘The Maori’, one authority has asserted, ‘is generous to a fault’. 1 It is therefore not surprising that what is apparently so marked a characteristic should be reflected in the news items. Although there was little direct newspaper reference to the hospitality and generosity of the Maori people and such captions as: ‘Maori Generosity’ were rare, it was clearly reflected in numerous items, especially those describing the welcoming, feasting and entertaining of visitors both Maori and Pakeha.

(2) The Maoris are good Rugby football players: To excel in Rugby football in New Zealand is a matter of no mean importance. There was no stint of appreciation of the Maoris as footballers by any newspaper in the sample and the following headlines illustrate the positively favourable attitude displayed towards this aspect of Maori affairs: - 2 ‘Maori Team Was Very Popular on Australian Tour’; ‘The Maoris Have Enriched N.Z. Football’; ‘Ratana Cup Team Underlines Local Rugby Debt to Maoris’; ‘N.Z. Maori Football is at a High Standard for Match Against Lions’. In football there is no stigma attached to being a Maori, on the contrary, there is a reputation for bright and dashing play to maintain. European New Zealand is proud of the Maoris in their role of Rugby footballers. An article in the sports edition of a Southern paper illustrates the general viewpoint excellently: ‘The Maori people have produced some of the most delightful and spectacular footballers in the country’. Again: ‘On the whole, the quality of Maori Rugby at its best is an exhilarating tonic. The game in the Dominion has derived great benefit from the infusion of it.’ 2 The article also expresses briefly an interesting, but usually implicit, facet of this viewpoint:

‘The Maori is seldom a taught Rugby player. Usually his ability is instinctive, and the discipline of coaching sits heavily upon him. This is why his game is so brilliant, and why it has a few weaknesses. Few Maori players are complete footballers in that their defence is as strong as their attack. Within the memory of the present generation full-back George Nepia was, perhaps, an outstanding exception.’ 3

(3) The Maoris are artistic, musical and good craftsmen: There was no doubt about the European's pride in Maori prowess in art nor hesitation in claiming it as belonging to New Zealand as a whole. Maori carving, and the ceremonial with its unique hakas, songs and dances provide a young country with something spectacular and different to offer visitors. Such cultural assets are commercially profitable. Like ability in Rugby, Maori ability in music and the arts and crafts tends to be regarded as something which is not learnt, but primarily a gift of nature. ‘The large audience’, asserted the report of a Maori concert, ‘fully appreciated a demonstration of the unerring sense of tone and rhythm which is the heritage of the Maori race.’ 4

(4) The Maoris are good soldiers: Although some years - 3 have elapsed since the cessation of hostilities the theme appeared at regular intervals. Reported items acknowledged Maori courage without qualification and carried such captions as the following: ‘Maori Sacrifices Commended’: ‘Maori Soldier Receives Dual Award’; ‘Heroic Exploits of Captain Wiki-Riwhi’. European indebtedness to the meritorious performance of the Maori Battalion was also freely acknowledged.


(1) The Maoris are lazy and irresponsible: The view that the Maoris are lazy and irresponsible appeared to be widely held and was reflected in many items including, for example, the reported advice of magistrates and the Minister of Maori Affairs, under such captions as: ‘Minister Advocates More Work for Maoris by Maoris’; ‘Maori Could Do More for Himself’; Maori Must Be More Self-Reliant’. This reported element of Maori character underlay all the other unfavourable themes, his attitude to liquor, land, health, housing, education and so on.

(2) The Maoris abuse Social Security benefits: Perhaps the most commonly cited reflection of Maori laziness is the way in which, it is claimed, they are able to be maintained in such an attitude of irresponsibility by their abuse of the Social Security benefits. As a result of this practice according to one letter in a northern daily: ‘We have a new leisured class, a new aristocracy in New Zealand. I refer to the Maoris.’ 5 The same theme is stated more gently in a southern editorial: ‘The introduction of Social Security benefits has had a deep effect on the Maori people. Independent opinion indicates that it has improved their conditions of life without any appreciable effect on their morale.’ 6

(3) The Maoris are content to live in dirty and over-crowded conditions: Reports frequently revealed cases of Maoris living in badly over-crowded conditions, apparently doing little to help themselves, and not even being co-operative when attempts were made to help them, as in the case of the clearance of the Orakei Pa slums.

(4) The Maoris are morally and socially irresponsible: Behind this element of the pictured character lies the Euro- - 4 pean view of the Maori behaviour with regard to some extremely serious social problems. The most important of these are: the high crime rate whereby a minority group in the community provides such a disproportionate amount of court cases, the different sex code of the Maori with the ensuing sex offences and the heavy consumption of liquor.

(5) The Maoris are ignorant and superstitious: The Maoris are uneducated and also highly superstitious, retaining most of the pagan beliefs and fears of their forebears. In the words of a southern leader-writer who had just quoted figures relating to Maori health and housing:

‘Add to these figures the information that 5,100 Maoris still cling to Te Kooti's pagan faith of Ringa-tu, 660 retain the old Hauhau beliefs, and a further seven or eight thousand are nearer to paganism than to Christianity, and the statistical picture uncovered cannot be considered that of a people well advanced on the road to complete and good citizenship.’ 7

(6) The Maoris are political opportunists: It was frequently claimed that the Maori votes were easily bought by party promises because of their desire to be on the side of the winning political party in order to reap the most benefits. This theme was expressed forcefully by The N.Z. Herald in a sub-leader on the results of the Maori electorates in the 1949 general election. Headed ‘Maori Votes Bought by Labour’, the editorial goes on to state:

‘In all their four electorates, the Maoris of New Zealand yesterday gave majorities to a party which has used the taxpayers’ money quite shamelessly to buy their votes. The whole affair represents one of the least edifying episodes in New Zealand politics. Doubtless the Maoris themselves have voted according to their lights. It is in the authentic Polynesian tradition to live as easily as possible with the least exertion in labour. In a hundred years the Maori character has not changed sufficiently to eradicate a natural improvidence. And to trade votes for easy living must seem to the majority of Maoris a perfectly normal and sensible transaction.’ 8

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The contemptuous attitude frequently shown towards the Maoris in political affairs can be further illustrated by a letter written after the 1949 general election when the National Party Government had been placed in power and the Maoris had returned all Labour Party members: ‘As it seems certain that at least two Maori candidates will be elected for the National Party at the next election, I suggest that a Maori member change over now. I cannot recollect a time when our Maori brothers were not represented in the Government in power.’ 9

(7) The Maoris hold large areas of land irresponsibly: The Maori people hold a very large area of land quite irresponsibly. The Maoris for the most part do nothing to discourage noxious weeds so that their properties become a menace to the others surrounding them; they rarely pay rates although they do not hesitate to accept the benefits from Council activities; large areas of land that could be brought under cultivation by Europeans are held unproductively by the Maoris; and where leases to European farmers expire and are not renewed, the land soon reverts to second growth.


The unfavourable themes especially, often made their appearance hardened into stereotyped form. The following examples illustrate some of the ways in which the themes, petrified into fixed convential images, appeared and distorted the apprehension of reality. At the ceremonial reception to Mr Holland at Ngaruawahia soon after the victory of his Party in 1949, he was welcomed with the traditional Maori oratory proper to the occasion which in its translation included the following words:

‘The night of trouble is over and the dawn has come. We welcome the Prime Minister—a harbinger of spring as the shining cuckoo, bringing us life—giving us waters. You are the father of us all. Look after the young ones and the older ones. Make us one people. Welcome sir, the man of today.’

Preconceived ideas about Maori political behaviour proved too much for the understanding of the ritual context of the oratory. The description of Mr Holland as ‘the man of - 6 today’ and the ‘father’ of the Maori people was interpreted by many as an example of Maori political opportunism and an indication that as expected, they had now switched their allegiance to the winning party. Amongst such was New Zealand's most prominent cartoonist of local affairs, Minhinnick. Interpreting this incident Minhinnick depicted a Maori deserting the disconcerted Labour Party leaders dressed in their piupius (flax skirts), and running with out-stretched arms towards Mr Holland with the cry of ‘Daddy’; the caption: ‘How sharper than the serpent's tooth’. It was interesting to find that The N.Z. Herald with all its bitterness towards the Maori political affiliation, regularly printed cartoons which in various ways but especially through dress, identified Maori interests with those of the Labour Party.

The triumph over historical fact by political prejudice was revealed in one of the reports ‘By Our Parliamentary Reporter’. On one occasion the report, which appeared in the news columns of several papers of the sample, began a statement on the political influence of the Ratana movement with the astonishing passage: ‘Ever since they have had representation in New Zealand's House of Representatives, the Maoris have tried at every election to be on the winning side—and usually they have succeeded.’ 10 This introduction to an acid commentary is staggering in its sheer disregard for historical fact. All the intricate network of facts that go to make up the history of Maori political life, all the complicated patterns of social issues and problems, the activities of the remarkable statesmen who have graced the House of Representatives, the little known as well as the dominating figures of men such as Sir Apirana Ngata, Sir James Carroll and Sir Maui Pomare, all this richness and complexity reduced to a miserable conspiracy on the part of the Maori people to ensure that at each election time they would vote for the candidates who were on the side of whatever political party was likely to come to power.

Walter Lippmann in his classic description of the concept of stereotypes pointed out that one of their functions was to identify the familiar and the strange, emphasizing the difference so that ‘the slightly familiar is seen as very familiar, - 7 and the somewhat strange as sharply alien.’ 11 A Maori who had a record of assaulting police constables when intoxicated was described in court as being otherwise ‘quite a good type of Maori’. It is not altogether fanciful to suggest that the offence in this case was assimilated to a stereotyped view of Maori moral and social irresponsibility and was modified in terms of it, the individual being regarded by the police, despite his little weaknesses of drunkenness and assault, as ‘quite a good type of Maori’. The minority of Maoris voting for the National Party were described by the leader-writers of the newspapers with National sympathies as ‘wise Maori leaders’, ‘the more independent-minded Maori people’, or ‘the good-thinking Maoris’. Here the unusual became more sharply emphasized by contrast. When a Maori exercised his vote in the approved direction, he became, by contrast with the general estimate of political irresponsibility, ‘wise’, ‘independent-minded’, ‘good-thinking’—specific terms which would not normally be applied to the European voter merely because one approved of his political leanings.

The race joke, that interesting phenomenon which exists primarily for the expression and reinforcement of stereotypes, deserves mention. These jokes or anecdotes involving Maori characters are widely reported from time to time, what is funny in the story usually turning upon the latter's assumed ignorance, improvidence or other conventionally attributed characteristics. Headed, ‘The baby must have been thirsty!’ the following story is typical:

‘In his rush to get his wife and family, the cats and dogs and the perambulator on the train at the Hunterville railway station, a Maori failed to see the baby's bottle, which had been left on the platform seat. When he returned three days later one of the station staff handed him the bottle, and he exclaimed: “Py korry we'll be able to give the baby a drink now!”’

In these stories the Maori appears, to use the Beagleholes' excellent description: ‘a laughable, friendly creature, good-hearted but stupid, unable to speak English grammatically, and given at times to a kind of low cunning and a naive common sense that is often amusing to the superior - 8 pakeha.’ 12 These anecdotes were reported without any obvious sense of malice, and probably without any awareness that they were race jokes. They are ‘human-interest’ stories with a wide appeal, popular, readable, diverting and therefore valuable to a newspaper. Nevertheless, the reporting of these stories reinforces a common mental picture of supposed Maori characteristics and the belief that as a group, the Maoris are radically different from the Europeans.


In public discussion and private conversation the suggestion has invariably been made at this point that the themes constituted a fair and reasonable picture of Maori character and affairs. It has long been recognized, however, that the wide and unquestioning acceptance of the mental picture of a racial group by others is no indication of the degree to which it faithfully reflects reality. While stereotypes may in some instances be partially true and merely caricature the external situation, investigation has demonstrated that they may also be completely erroneous and have no basis other than in rumour and anecdotes. The artificial nature of the preceding themes can only be indicated here very briefly. As distinguishing characteristics some of them are false while others are not without truth, yet at best they are all misleading for they are divorced from their context. The need for brevity makes it almost inevitable that the examination of these supposed facets of Maori character will itself necessitate unjustifiable generalizations about the Maoris. Sutherland, a noted authority on this subject, often warned Europeans that except in the most sweeping fashion it was not possible to generalize about the Maori people. The wisdom of such advice becomes manifest in such factors as the varying circumstances of the different groups of tribes, the dissimilar processes of Europeanization in different districts, and the diverse attitudes engendered by different experiences at the hands of the white man during the last hundred years.

Maori tribal beliefs and activities were profoundly shaken by the arrival and influence of the European missionaries, traders and settlers. After an initial period of disorganization - 9 the Maoris settled down to an increasing acceptance of European ways, adopting Christianity and making a remarkably enthusiastic and successful essay into agriculture. This state of affairs was, however, first disturbed by the mounting tensions arising out of the settlers' demands for tribal land, and then destroyed by the culmination of these tensions in the Maori Wars of the middle of the nineteenth century. Eventual defeat destroyed Maori hopes, habits of industry and morale. Much of the land that had not been confiscated after the Maori Wars was now sold and the proceeds squandered in various undesirable ways with the assistance of unscrupulous Europeans. By the turn of the century the Maori population had dropped to a mere forty thousand and it was generally considered that the race was doomed to extinction. At this point a remarkable revival took place. This extraordinary revival, almost entirely the fruit of Maori leadership, became reflected in every aspect of life, but was most apparent in the population figures which have trebled those of the beginning of the century. The impulse for this revival arose out of the Students' Association of the mission school, Te Aute College. A small group of university educated Maoris known as the Young Maori Party and led by Ngata, Maui Pomare, and Peter Buck (Te Rangi Hiroa), travelled amongst the tribes urging upon their kinsfolk the need for higher standards of industry, health and morals. Success finally crowned the efforts of the Young Maori Party when enlightened and progressive social legislation was introduced and carried into effect with the support of their own people.

In the course of this work for the redemption of their people, the Maori leaders became convinced of the need to slow up the process of Europeanization and to build what was necessary of the European ways of life into the specifically Maori cultural heritage. In this they anticipated contemporary scientific opinion by a considerable period of time. With the adoption of Sir James Carroll's rallying cry, ‘Hold fast to your Maoritanga (Maorihood)’, the attempt was made to climb out of the cultural limbo into which they had fallen and to drive their roots deep into their social heritage. The attempt to live successfully in the European world and yet retain traditional values, skills, and outlook, - 10 still continues. Scotland tends to be regarded as the prototype of the development envisaged for the Maori people. In Scotland, it is felt, can be found both the desired adjustment to modern Western society and also the retention of the traditional dress, music, skills and language. The present Maori situation is still one of transition, the old and new in uneasy alliance, a stage of development often scarred by frustration and perplexity. his, all too briefly stated, is the background against which the themes must be considered.

The favourable themes clearly have in common the fact that they are aspects of contemporary European life which were either familiar to the Maoris' tribal existence or could be quickly assimilated to their values and interests. The communal life of the tribal group which still provides security, co-operation, and mutual aid for those descended from the common tribal ancestor, figures in modern times as generosity and hospitality. Fighting, modern and traditional, had some common qualities in courage, skill, and the need to uphold the honour of the tribe. A further point of contact between the society of the ancient Maori and that of the modern European lies in the value placed upon the arts and crafts.

Rugby football and other sports as well have been adapted to the needs of the Maori people. Sir Apirana Ngata pointed out that ancient conflicts and hatreds have been sublimated into friendly rivalry between tribes, and that in inter-tribal sport competitions, ancient clashes have been revived in a new form.

‘Maori football has taken on a meaning far beyond the actual game … Challenges are issued and accepted for reasons quite outside the pakeha code. It is not only a football team that goes on tour. Old and young make up the tribal party and visit in their territory a tribe with whom they have not had any direct contact, say, since the wars of the last century.’ 13

Sir Peter Buck drew attention to another feature which strengthens the belief that the Maoris have assimilated Rugby to their own framework of experience. ‘It has been said that if Maori football teams make the first score in a - 11 match, it encourages them so much that they usually win. This may be a carry-over from the first fish belief of their ancestors.’ 14 The first person killed in battle, often as the result of a challenge, was called the first fish, and it was regarded as a good omen for the side whose representative had won.

The embellishment of the themes relating to Maori skill in music and football with the explanation that it is due to inherited talent further illustrates the way in which the themes are divorced from their context. In accounting for his skill, the theory that the Maori has a certain something that the European cannot hope to possess, has a certain sentimental fascination; it also has a subtly derogatory implication inasmuch as it denies the discipline of training which has a positive value in European society. Innate musical ability has been attributed in the past to the American Indians and Negroes also. Extensive surveys with the Seashore Measures of Musical Talents revealed, however, no significant superiority in favour of Indians or Negroes, the results of the surveys suggesting that cultural rather than racial factors account for the achievements of these peoples. 15 It seems most likely that the same could be said of the accomplishments of the Maori people also.

The unfavourable themes also lack their context. The assertion of Maori laziness and irresponsibility, perhaps the most serious of these in its wide ramifications, would certainly be the most difficult to assess with regard to its validity because of the many historical, economic and psychological factors which would have to be taken into consideration. Whatever truth the theme may have, it is certain that its plausibility is increased both by the total omission in popular thinking and newspaper reporting of any recognition that the Maoris are a prospering and progressing instead of a dying race almost solely due to their own efforts, and by the discounting of important spheres of Maori effort and initiative, sport, music, and the arts and crafts, by the suggestion that they are due to ‘natural ability’ rather than hard training.

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Land problems are without meaning and merely testify to Maori perversity unless account is taken of such factors as the resentment created by the historical process of detaching the Maori from the land to which he was so passionately devoted, the inappropriate nature of the tribal forms of land tenure which was a major obstacle to be overcome before the land could be made productive under the land-development schemes planned during Sir Apirana Ngata's period of service as Native Minister, the poor quality of the Maori land yet to be developed, and the need to settle as much of the growing Maori population as possible on farms. An enterprising County Council which had appointed a Maori as rate collector recently threw light on the Maori failure to pay land rates. The cause of this long-standing source of irritation was found to lie in the Maori ignorance of the meaning and purpose of rates. Prior to this highly successful experiment Councils had assumed that so common-place a feature of European society would also be understandable even to those who stemmed from a very different social tradition.

The situation of the Maori community with regard to education cannot be properly assessed without taking into account their revulsion against European education after the Maori Wars and the teaching for so long a period quite unsuited to Maori needs. The economic barrier to higher education created by the long distances of secondary schools from the Maori communities and the barrier of language remain among the more serious current problems. Arising from this last factor is what has been described as ‘Maori-English’, sometimes assumed to be common amongst Maoris. Referring to this phenomenon McQueen stated that:

‘This fictitious language, crediting the Maori with “py korry” for “by golly”, and “plurry” for “bloody”, and putting into his mouth queer arrangements of words … has no parallel within the experience of those whom I have asked about it. Amongst my own less-educated Maori acquaintances—mill workers, surfacemen, farm lads—I certainly never heard this pidgin English. If it may - 13 be said that there is a third language, it is that used by speakers who slip from English to Maori and back again; but the use of the term is not warranted.’ 16

The Maoris are today seeking roots in the past and a stake in the future. Not all succeed in making even the immediate adjustments necessary for unfamiliar city conditions. Those individuals who fail, however, reveal not so much specific Maori characteristics as the kind of behaviour that is typical of most human beings when faced with certain problems. Crime and drunkenness are familiar symptoms of maladjustment in any community. Maori juvenile delinquency is closely linked with the considerable lag between schooling and the securing of vocational outlets away from their own districts. Bound up with the questions of health are the adjustments to new conditions of living with new standards, the adoption of naturalistic for supernaturalistic medicine, and the war-time drift to the city with the consequent acute shortage of accommodation and over-crowding.

The charge of political irresponsibility which has come so much into the foreground of recent years will be considered in a later article. Probably not unconnected with it is the assertion that the Maoris are maintained in idleness by the abuse of Social Security benefits. Although the unfortunate influence of Social Security on the Maori people was reiterated through many leading articles and reported statements, no evidence was brought forward in support of this contention, that is, other than appeals to ‘independent opinion’ or to the fact of it being ‘widely recognized’. Occasionally a Hospital Superintendent would be reported on this issue, but only to state that in his experience there was little difference in behaviour between Maoris and Europeans in regard to Social Security benefits. On the basis of their study of the Maoris of the ‘Kowhai’ district the Beagleholes stated that:

‘In general, . . . the influence of social security benefits in the district has been for the good. From the Maori it has removed some of the fear of grinding poverty which has been in the past, and is still for many today, the major anxiety of their lives.’

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‘We do not feel that as a result of such support the Maori workers of Kowhai are becoming lazy, shiftless, and improvident. Our judgment is that when there is work to be done the Maori wage-earner is eager to have it. There are lazy and improvident Maori men, just as there are lazy and improvident pakeha men; but we do not think that the social security scheme has increased the number of such Maori men in the Kowhai district.’ 17

Statements such as these have made little headway. There are strong grounds for the view that the ubiquity of the belief in the Maoris' abuse of Social Security rests primarily on the fact that so much political capital has and is being made out of this assertion.

In the light of the context which surrounds the themes, it is doubtful in the extreme whether these apparently distinctive characteristics make up our picture of the Maori people as a group are in fact sufficiently valid to sustain any such picture.


The results of the analysis outlined so far make it apparent that taken as a whole, the picture of Maori affairs projected in the Press is distorted to a very considerable degree. The distortion, however, would appear to be the result of processes operating in the presentation of all news, Maori or European. Considerations of news value with the consequent concern of the newspapers with the immediate present, with the unusual, the sensational, all combine to produce a picture that is constantly out of focus, a picture in which it is rarely possible to find room for the normal, the continuing and the socially significant. This is unfortunate when the news relates to those whose ways are known and understood, but it is doubly unfortunate when the news relates to minorities or other peoples of whom readers know too little to be able to place the news items in their proper contexts, so that the single instance becomes open to misinterpretation or is considered a typical expression of group characteristics.

The United States Commission on Freedom of the Press in listing the ideal requirements which the Press must strive - 15 to fulfil, stated that society was entitled to expect of the Press a ‘truthful, comprehensive, and intelligent account of the day's events in a context which gives them meaning’, 18 and also, that the picture it presents of its various major constituent groups will be a representative one. The true and representative picture of any social group includes not only its shortcomings, crime rate and moral weaknesses, but also its ‘values, its aspirations, and its common humanity’. 19 As the Commission pointed out:

‘A single incident will be accepted as a sample of group action unless the press has given a flow of information and interpretation concerning the relations between two racial groups such as to enable the reader to set a single event in its proper perspective. If it is allowed to pass as a sample of such action, the requirement that the press present a accurate account of the day's events in a context which gives them meaning has not been met.’ 20

It is, therefore, not enough to report the facts accurately. Communication between groups which are to some extent insulated from each other depends on whether the news can be fitted into its proper context by its recipients. Communication between two groups may break down while the actual channels of communication continue to operate. The physical media are obviously important and in fact essential, but from the time the recipients of information regarding other groups are unable to place that information in its proper context, and thus interpret it correctly, the media of mass communication serve little purpose other than to increase mutual distrust and misunderstanding.

Race relations in New Zealand are not so assured that society can afford the risk of contributions to mutual misunderstanding. The late Professor Sutherland, an authority on Maori-European relationships, was reported as saying at the last New Zealand Science Congress that: ‘The next few years will be critical for race relations in this country. - 16 There is a persistent tendency to idealize this race relationship, but beneath the surface a less happy situation is revealed.’ 21 If the Maori and European peoples are to live together in harmony and fruitful interaction, it is important that the picture of Maori affairs projected by the Press be a representative picture.

1   I. L. G. Sutherland (Editor), The Maori People Today. The N.Z. Institute for International Affairs & The N.Z. Council for Educational Research, 1940, p. 430.
2   The Star Sports 6.5.50.
3   Idem.
4   Gisborne Herald 7.7.50.
5   The N.Z. Herald 6.10.49.
6   The Southland Times 30.11.49.
7   The Otago Daily Times 5.10.49.
8   The N.Z. Herald 30.11.49.
9   The N.Z. Herald 12.12.49.
10   The Press 18.11.49.
11   W. Lippmann, Public Opinion. The Macmillan Co., 1920, p. 90.
12   E. & P. Beaglehole, Some Modern Maoris. N.Z. Council for Educational Research, 1946, p. 308.
13   Apirana T. Ngata, ‘Tribal Organization’, The Maori People Today, op. cit., p. 164.
14   Te Rangi Hiroa (Sir Peter Buck), The Coming of the Maori. Maori Purposes Fund Board, 1949, p. 399.
15   A. Anastasi & J. Foley, Differential Psychology. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1949, p. 717.
16   H. C. McQueen, Vocations for Maori Youth. N.Z. Council for Educational Research, 1945, p. 91.
17   Op. cit., p. 42.
18   Report of the Commission on Freedom of the Press, A Free & Responsible Press. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1947, p. 20.
19   Ibid., p. 27
20   Ibid., p. 23.
21   The Press 25.5.51.