Volume 73 1964 > Volume 73, No. 4 > Hawaiian reflexes of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian and Proto-Polynesian reconstructed forms, by Samuel H. Elbert, p 399 - 410
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HAWAIIAN REFLEXES OF PROTO-MALAYO-POLYNESIAN AND PROTO-POLYNESIAN RECONSTRUCTED FORMS
1. INTRODUCTION

Many Hawaiian entries in the first and second editions of the Pukui-Elbert Hawaiian-English Dictionary were followed by reconstructions in Proto-Polynesian (PPN) and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP, also known as Proto-Austronesian), the former prepared by R. Brown in 1956, but no collated list of the Hawaiian words and their proto-forms has been published. Since 1956 much has happened in the field of Oceanic linguistics. Churchward's comprehensive Tongan Dictionary has appeared, as well as instructive articles and monographs by Capell, Dyen, Goodenough, Grace, Milke, and Milner, and field work has been done on the Polynesian Outliers. In preparation for a third edition of the Hawaiian-English Dictionary, with the assistance of Don E. Johnson I rechecked all the PPN and PMP reconstructions listed in the Dictionary, noting particularly vowel length, bound morphemes, and modifications of Dempwolff by Dyen. It is hoped that the lists in Sections 3 and 4 of this study may be the beginning of a PPN lexicon, particularly that portion of it which can be traced back to PMP. 1

2. RECONSTRUCTIONS

PMP correspondences and reconstructions were based on Dempwolff, using Dyen's system of transcription (except for an apostrophe for PPN and Hawaiian glottal stop, and X for zero), and the modifications introduced in seven articles by Dyen listed in the “References” at the end of this paper, and some modifications suggested by Grace (1959).

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Of the Polynesian languages, Tongan (To) most fully reflects the PPN sound system. The 11 To consonant phonemes /p t k 'f v h m n η l/ provide for the reconstruction of all the 13 PPN consonant phonemes except PPN *s, which can be reconstructed by comparison of To with any other PN language except Uvea, Niue, and perhaps Mele-Fila and Nukuoro, and PPN *r, the reconstruction of which also requires evidence from other PN languages, in this study Hawaiian (Ha). To /h/ and Ha /h/ reflect PPN *s, but To /h/ and Ha zero reflect PPN *h. As for PPN *r, if To has zero for Ha /l/, the PPN form is *r. This makes the 13 PPN consonant phonemes, all of which can be inferred from consideration of To and Ha.

The vowels (there are always five) cause few difficulties.

The correspondences are listed below in Tables 1 and 2. Three PMP examples if available are given for each set of correspondences in initial and medial positions unless otherwise indicated. Those examples marked with question marks contain discrepancies, which are classified in Section 4. Final PMP consonants are lost in PPN and Ha, except those that occur before the PPN suffixes *-i (belaj, hunus, ka, panaq, qunap, tes, tulak, (t)u(t) uN, TukTuk, and *-ia (belaj, inum, taNis, (t)uquD), and *-aki (luaq, (t)uquD). Reconstructed phonemes in parentheses are ambiguous, with the most common of the alternations listed first. It will be seen from Table 1 that the PMP phonemes *p b D mp ñs s z Z e have more than one reflex in PPN and Ha. The most frequently occurring correspondence is listed first. The only example noted of two Ha reflexes of a single PPN phoneme is Ha /w-/ and /h-/ from PPN *f-. Certain modifications to Table 1 are explained in the notes to Section 3. The examples listed in Table 1 and their correspondences in PPN and Ha are listed alphabetically in Section 3 (regular correspondences) and Section 4 (correspondences with discrepancies).

Table 1: Regular Correspondences PMP to PPN to Ha.
PMP PPN Ha PMP examples
p f h paNdan, paqa, peñu; kapas, nipis, sapu; qarep?, qunap, surup?
  p p papan, puna, puqun; papan
  m- m- puTul, putus?
b- f- h- balay, baRu(h), bataN
    w- 1 babaq, babaw, bazi?
  p- p- bekbek, biNkuk?, buhaN
-b- -f- -h- babaq, babaw, qubi(h)
  -p- -p- tubuq
t t k tales, taNis, taqun; bataN, batu, mata
T t k TakTak, TukTuk; iTik, puTik, puTul
-(tT)- -t- -k- qa(tT)u(h)?, qen(tT)i(h), qu(tT)an
d r l damaR, da(n)daN; (qh)adep
D r l DeNeR, Dewha(h), Dikiq; quDaN, quDi?, quDip
  l l Dahun, Dalem, Da(m)par; tuDuq, (t)uquD
(dD)- r- l- (dD)aqan
  l- l- (dD)aqey, (dD)auN?
l l l laNit, lima(h), limut; belaj, bilit, Dalem
1   PPN *faf- and *fas- becomes Ha wah-. As far as I know, this correspondence has not been previously published. However, George W. Grace informs me that André G. Haudricourt has described it in his comment on Grace's article to appear in Current Anthropology, “Movement of the Malayo-Polynesians: 1500 B.C. to A.D. 500.” Haudricourt suggests that f . . f . . becomes v . . f . . is evidence of the split between Western and Eastern Polynesian, with the exception of Eastern Island. As PMP *p and *b have fallen together as PPN *f, it is probably accidental that all Ha examples of the *f reflected as /w/ correspondence come from PMP *b, rather than from PMP *p.
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PMP PPN Ha PMP examples
r l l ruaN; qarep?, RariN, tara
k k ka, kapas, kasaw; aka(r), ikan, (t)akut; tulak
g- k- ‘- geli, gukguk, gumi(h)
m m m mamaq, manuk, mata; damaR, gumi(h); inum
n n n nipis; anay, enem, ines
ñ n n ña, ñawa, ñiuR; meñak, peñu
-N- -N- -n- DeNer, haNin, taNis
-mp- -p- -p- i(m)pun, kempuN?, (t)umpu
  -f- -h- Da(m)paR, ta(m)pi, tempet?
-mb- -p- -p- qe-mbus?, tambaN, za(m)bat?
-nt- -t- -k- ma(n)taq, (qh)antaD?, u(n)tuN; ki-nta?
-n(tT)- -t- -k- qem(tT)i(h)
-nd- -r- -l- da(n)daN
-nD- -r- -l- pa(n)Dan, qa(n)Di?, tin(D)aw
-ñs- -s- -h- li(ñ)sa
  -h- -X- li(ñ)sa
-ñj- -h- -X- qa(ñ)jaw
-Nk- -k- -‘- a(N)ken, biNkuk?, Nku, waNkaN
s s h salaq, siku, sinaR; pasaN?; hunus, taNis, tes
  h X (s)akay, siwa, susu(h); besay, qasu(h), susu(h)
z s h zaNkaq, za(m)bat?; bazi?
  h- X- zaqit
Z h X Zalan; peZem?, quZan
  s h ZuRuq; tuZuk?
c- s- h- camuk, ci-rit?
h X X haNin, hunus; buhaN, Dahun, kahiw
q X qa(ñ)jaw, qaRus, qasu(h); (dD)aqan, (dD)aqey, paqa
qh- ‘- X- (qh)adep
R X X Rabii(h), RariN, Rabuk?; baRu(h), maRi, qaRus
-y- -X- -X- layaR, pi(y)a, (s)a(y)i
w v w walu, waNkaN, wawaq; lawa?, ñawa, siwa
-wh- -X- -X- Dewha(h)
a a a aka(r), aku(h), anay; babaw, balay, baRu(h); ña, ñawa, paqa
-aw -o -o babaw, kasaw, qa(ñ)jaw
-ay -e -e balay, besay, binay
e- o- o- enem
  X- X- empaN, epat
-e- -o- -o- geli, peñu, telu(h)
  -o -o Dalem, enem, ines
-ewh- -u- -u- Dewha(h)
-ey -e -e (dD)aqey, matey, qatey
i i i ijuN, ikan, inum; Dikiq, pitu, tiRem; bilit, qen(tT)i(h), qubi(h); geli, maRi, tuli
-ii- -i- -i Rabii(h)
-iw -u -u kahiw
u- u- u- uRat, u(n)tuN, ulej?
-u- -u- -u- puna, puTik, puTul; bulu(h), (t)akut, tuDuq; batu, kutu, pitu
-uy -i -i apuy
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Table 2: Regular Correspondences Ha to PPN to PMP.
Ha PPN PMP
p p p, b, -mp-, -mb-
k t t, T, -(tT)-, -nt-, -n(tT)-
k k, g-, Nk-, -nt-
l l, r l, D, d, (dD)-, r, -nd-, nD-
m m m, p-
n- n- n-, ñ-
-n- -n-, -N- -n-, -ñ-, -N-
h- f-, s- p-, b-, s-, z-, Z-, c-
-h- -f-, -s- -p-, -b-, -mp-, -nz-, -ñs-, -(ñ)j-, -s-, -s, -z-, -Z-, -j-
w- v-, f- w-, h-, b-
-w- -v- -w-
X- h- s-, z-, Z-
  ‘- q-, qh-
  -X- h-, R-, e-
-X- -h- -ñs-, -ñj-, -s-, -Z-, -h-, -wh-
  -‘- -q-
  -X- -h-, -R-, -y-
a a a
o- o- e-
-o- -o- -e-
-o -o -aw
e- e- o-
-e- -e- -o-
-e -e -ay, -ey
i- i- i-
-i- -i- -i-
-i -i -i, -uy, -ii-
u- u- u-
-u- -u- -u-, -ewh-
-u -u -u, -iw
3. HAWAIIAN REFLECTS
SHOWING ONLY REGULAR SOUND CORRESPONDENCES

English meanings in parentheses apply to forms in all columns to the left unless otherwise indicated. Hyphens separate PPN and Ha morphemes not included in the PMP reconstructions. They are explained in the notes. Parenthesised postscripts such as (D5:37) are references to items listed in the bibliography under Dyen, Isidore, or under Grace, George W.

PMP PPN Ha English
aka(r) aka a'a root
aku(h) (D5:37) aku a'u me
anay ane ane mite
a(N)ken ako a'o learn
apa afa aha what?
apuy afi ahi fire
babaq fafa waha mouth
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PMP PPN Ha English
babaw fafo waho outside
balay fale hale house
baRu(h) (D6:365) fau hau Hibiscus
bataN fata haka shelf
batu fatu haku stone
bekbek popo po-popo 2 rotten
belaj folas-i, folasia 3 holah-ia(4) spread
besay fohe hoe paddle
bilit fili hili braid
binay fine -hine 4 female
buaq fua hua fruit
buhaN (D5:12) pua pua pour out
bulu(h) (Grace 35) fulu hulu hair
camuk samu hamu scraps
damaR rama lama torch
da(n)daN rara lala heat v.
(dD) aqan ra‘a 5 lā-lā(3) branch
(dD) aqey (D5:10) la‘e lae forehead
Dahun (D5:12) lau lau leaf
Dalem lalo lalo below
Da(m)paR lafa laha spread
DeNeR (D3:434) roNo lono hear
Dewha(h) (D1, D7:85) rua lua two
Dikiq riki li‘i small
DugDug lū-lū 6 lū-lū shake
empaN enclosure, fence
enem ono ono six
epat (D5:37) four
geli (laughable) koli ‘oli (joy)
gukguk (grunt) kū-kū(7) ‘ ū-‘ ū (stutter)
gumi (h) (Grace 30) kumi ‘umi-‘umi beard
haNin (D5:33, wind n. aNi ani (blow, of wind)
hunus (D5:32) unus-i(4) unuh-i(4) pull out
ia(h) (D5:13) ia ia he, she
ijuN isu ihu nose
ikan ika i‘a fish
i(m)pun (gather) ipu ipu (container)
ines ino mā-ino 7 hate
inum inum-ia(4) inum-ia(4) drink
iTik iti iki small
ka ka-i(4) ‘a-i(4) eat
kahiw (D5:12) ra‘a-kau 8 lā-‘au wood
kali kali ‘ali dig
kapas (thread) kafa ‘aha (sennit)
kasaw kaso ‘aho spar
ke(t)ip koti ‘oki cut
kulu(r) kulu ‘ulu breadfruit
kutu kutu ‘uku flea
laNit laNi lani sky
layaR sail n.
lilit (7) l wind v.
2   Reduplication.
3   PPN and Ha -i and -ia may be glossed respectively as transitivizer and passive-imperative markers.
4   Ha -hine forms part of the words wahine “woman” and kaikamahine “girl”.
5   PPN*-CV1‘V1 becomes Ha -CV:1.
6   The interpretation is that only the base of PMP reduplications is reflected. -C of the PMP base is thus not reflected. The PMP V1 is lengthened in PPN (CV: bases occur in PN, but apparently never *CV). The PPN and Ha forms are or are not reduplicated.
7   PPN and Ha ma, mā-, may be glossed “state of”. See below PMP ma-.
8   Probably literally “branch-wood”. See *(dD)aqan.
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PMP PPN Ha English
lima(h) (D7:85) lima lima five, hand
limut limu limu seaweed
liNaw liNo ma-lino(8) calm
li(ñ)sa lisa liha nit
  liha lia nit
luaq (D5:13) (put out) lua'-aki 9 lua-'i(10) (vomit)
ma- (D2:233) ma- mā-, ma- state of
mamaq mama mama chew
ma(n)taq mata maka raw
manuk manu manu bird
mata mata maka eye
matey (D3:428) mate make die
maRi mai mai hither
meñak mo-mona(3) mo-mona(3) fat adj.
nipis (thin) nifi (tiny) nihi, lihi (edge)
ña (D3:424) -na -na his, her
ñawa (soul) ma-nava (heart)(8) ma-nawa(8) (breath)
ñiuR (D5:13) niu niu coconut
Nku -ku -'u my
paka- faka- ha'a- causative
panaq fana'-i,(4) pana pana shoot
panas ma-fana(8) ma-hana(8) warm
panDan fara hala pandanus
papan papa papa board
paqa fa'a(6) stalk
pened fono hono patch
peñu fonu honu turtle
pija fiha hia how many?
pitu fitu hiku seven
pi(y)a fia hia desire
puna (beginning) puna puna (spring)
puqun (D5:11) pu'u(6), 10 tree trunk, origin
puTik futi huki pull
puTul mutu muku break
qa(ñ)jaw 'aho ao day
qaRus (D5:49) 'au au current
qasu(h) (D5:31) 'ahu au-ahi smoke
qatep 'ato ako thatch
qatey (D5:49) 'ate ake liver
qen(tT)i(h) (D5:31) 'oti oki finished
(qh)adep (D5:33) 'aro alo front
qubi(h) (D5:31) 'ufi uhi yam
quDaN (D5:31) (crustacean) 'ura ula (lobster)
quDip ma-'uri(8) ma-uli(8) alive
qunap 'unaf-i(4) unah-i(4) scale, of fish
qu(tT)an (D5:32) (forest) 'uta uka (upland)
quZan 'uha ua rain
ruaN 11 lua lua pit
Rabii(h) (D5:14) afi-afi(3) ahi-ahi(3) evening
RariN ali (appear) ali (clear)
9   -aki may be glossed as a transitivizer. Ha lua-'i perhaps reflects *lua-a'i.
10   No West Polynesian cognate with p- has been noted. To fu'u is considered cognate with *pu'u. Compare To pupula, Samoan fufula “swollen”.
11   PMP ruaN has not been noted in the literature, but is reconstructed on the analogy of Dyen's PMP luaq and *banua for Dempwolff's *luwaq and *banu(w)a (D5:13).
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PMP PPN Ha English
(s)akay hake a'e up
salaq sala hala mistake
sapu safu (sweep, clean) hahu (level off, purge)
(s)a(y)i hai ai, wai who?
siku siku hi'u tail
sinaR (light) ma-sina(8) ma-hina(8) (moon)
  sina hina gray, as hair
siwa hiva iwa nine
suliq suli huli root shoot
susu(h) (Grace 29) huhu ū breast
(t)akut ma-taku(8) ma-ka'u(8) fear
tales talo kalo taro
tambaN tapa kapa edge
ta(m)pi (remove dust) tafi (sweep) kahi (scrape off)
taNis taNis-ia(4) kanih-ia(4) weep
taquh (D5:17) ma-ta'u(8) (right hand) ma-kau-kau(3), (8) (accustomed)
taqun ta'u kau season
tara tala kala release
taRuq tau kau put
tasik (D3:425) tahi kai sea
teken toko ko'o pole
telu(h) (D7:85) tolu kolu three
teRas (hard wood) toa (ironwood) koa (Acacia)
tes tos-i(4) koh-i(4) tear v.
tin(D)aw tiro kilo look
tiRem tio kio mollusc
tuDuq tulu kulu drip
tulak tulak-i(4) kula'-i(4) push
tuli tuli kuli deaf
tubuq (D5:16) tupu kupu grow
(t)umpu tupu-na 12 kupu-na13 ancestor
(t)u(n)a tuna kuna eel
tunu tunu kunu cook
tuqa(h) (D5:10) ma-tu'a(8) ma-kua(8) old
(t)uquD tu'ul-aki(6), (10) kūl-a'i(10) stand
  tu'ul-ia(4) kūl-ia(4)  
tutu tutu kuku beat
(t)u(t)uN tuN-i(4) kun-i(4) scorch
TakTak (7) hit
TukTuk tuk-i(4) ku'-i(4) pound
uRat ua (veins) ua-ua (glutinous)
u(n)tuN utu 13 uku pay, profit
wa(h)iR (D5:15) vai wai water
walu valu walu eight
waNkaN vaka wa'a canoe
wawaq (opening) (7) (space)
zaNkaq saka ha'a dance
zaqit (join together) ha'i 14 ai (copulate)
Zalan (D4:536) hala ala road
ZuRug (D4:537) sū (wet) (overflow)
12   PPN and Ha -na represent an earlier 3rd person singular suffixed possessive pronoun (PMP ña).
13   Possible PPN reflexes in West Polynesia have been noted only in a Rennellese utu “to gather food” and Futunan utu “to pull, as taro; to collect food”.
14   PPN is based on Rennellese h-e'i-ti “to copulate reciprocally”. To ha'i means “to bind”. Rennellese h-ti is probably a reciprocal; a'i becomes e'i.
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4. PRESUMED HAWAIIAN REFLEXES SHOWING DISCREPANCIES IN SOUND CORRESPONDENCES

4.1. Discrepancies attributable to vowel assimilation in PPN.

V1 raised:

banua (D5:13) fonua honua land
baqeRu(h) (D5:11) fo'ou hou new
Dabuk refu lehu ash
kali keli 'eli dig
Rabuk efu ehu spray, dust

V1fronted:

kulit kili 'ili skin

V1lowered:

beRqat (D7:85) mama-fa kauma-ha heavy

V2raised:

beRay give
buka fuke hu'e open
kiTa kite 'ike see

V2lowered:

taqi ta'e kū-kae faeces

4.2 Discrepancies attributable to vowel dissimilation in PPN.

V1lowered:

putus motus-ia mokuh-ia break

V1unrounded:

pules filo hilo twist
ulej ilo ilo maggot

V2raised:

tanem tanu kanu plant, bury

V2lowered:

biNkuk piko pi'o crooked
bukid puke pu'e mound

V2unrounded:

peZem (D4:538) mohe moe sleep
tuZuk (D4:538-540) tusi kuhi point

4.3. Discrepancies attributable to metathesis in PPN.

kami kima-atou, ma-atou 15 ma-akou, ma-aua(16) exclusive
katiR kiat-o 'iak-o outrigger boom
Rapus fa'us-ia, fa'uh-ia 16 hau-hili twist
15   Long vowels here considered geminate.
16   PPN /'/ is unexplained.
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4.4. Discrepancies in PPN vowel length.

PPN vowel shortened:

buRu fu-a'a hu-hū, hū-wā jealous, angry
kaRat kat-i 'ak-i bite
miRmiR mimi 17 mimi urine
17   See note 7. The regular PPN reflex would be *mīmī.

PPN vowel lengthened:

bazi fāsi wāhi split
karaN ka(1)ā 18 'alā rock
kempuN kōpū 'ōpū stomach
paNan fāNa-i hāna-i feed
18   The critical To reflex is lacking. /l/ is reconstructed because PPN *1 occurs more frequently than *r.

4.5. Unclassified PPN vowel discrepancies.

bituqen (D5:11) fetu'u hōkū star
kaw ko-e 'o-e you, sg.
lawa ka-leve-leve pūnā-welewele 19 spider
  kapuNa-leve-leve    
paka- faka- ho'o- causative
paRaw hoarse
qarep 'arof-a aloh-a love
qa(tT)u(h) (D5:31) 'atu-a aku-a deity
19   Metathesis.

4.6. Unique nasal replacements in PPN.

guruq (roar) Nulu nu-nulu (growl)
quDi muri muli after
tempet (residence) nofo noho (live)
walat (not well) mala mala (ache)

4.7. Other PPN consonant discrepancies.

C1 accretions in PPN:

aji(h) (D5:37) t-ahi-na k-ai-na younger sibling
alun N-alu n-alu wave
ipen n-ifo n-iho tooth

C1 unique correspondence:

dekuN loku lo'u bend
leNa (plant name) reNa (turmeric) lena (yellow)
s-awaN ava awa harbour

C loss in PPN:

-m-u (D3:424) -u -u your
beRqat (D7:85) mama-fa kauma-ha heavy

C2 unique correspondence:

Nu(s)u(h) (lip; Grace 30) Nutu nuku (mouth)
surup huruf-ia uluh-ia enter

C2 accretion in PPN: see Section 4.3, *Rapus.

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4.8. Discrepancies in both PPN vowels and consonants.

CV accretions in PPN:

(dD)auN (D5:14) fo-lau (vessel) hālau (canoe house)
haNin (D5:33) mat-aNi mak-ani wind, n.
puluq aNa-fulu (ten) ana-hulu (ten days)
qa(n)Di 'ari-ki ali-'i chief
silak u-hila u-ila lightning
titis (drop, drip) titi-i (hiss) kiki-i (spurt)

CV losses in PPN:

be-Ni night
ci-rit (squirt) sī (semen) (diarrhoea)
ki-nta (D3:424) kita-atou, ta-atou ka-akou, ka-aua inclusive
qe-mbus pus-i puh-i blow
ru-mbi(y)a pia pia arrowroot

CV unique correspondence:

tebu toro 20 sugar cane
20   Ha loses final syllable.

4.9. Discrepancies in meanings of PPN reconstructions.

DukDuk (residence) ruru lulu (sheltered)
laud (sea) toke-lau Ko'o-lau 21 (windward)
piTik (fast) fiti ma-hiki (jump)
puput (blow) pū (break wind) (conch)
(qh)antaD (visible; D5:33) 'ata aka (shadow)
qila (shame, disgrace) 'ila ila (birthmark)
tambaN (other side) tapa kapa (cloth)
ujin (charcoal) 'usi (dark) uhi (cover)
21   Ha assimilation.

4.10. PEPN discrepancies.

laNaw laNo nalo 22 fly, n.
penuh fonu (full) ho-honu deep
qulu 'ulu (head) ulu-na 23 (pillow)
za(m)bat sapa-i hāpa-i 24 carry, lift
22   Ha metathesis.
23   The Ha meaning change is widespread in Eastern Polynesia.
24   The Ha vowel length accretion is widespread in Eastern Polynesia.

4.11. Ha discrepancies.

V dissimilation:

tebek (pierce) tefe kahe (cut)

C metathesis: see 4.5, *lawa.

V length:

katapaN (a tree) katafa 'ākaha (fern-like plant)
pasaN masaN-a (pair) māhan-a (twins)

Meaning:

beNi (night) poNi (early morning) poni (purple, as of early morning)
betu fotu (appear) Ho'o-hoku-i-ka-lani (a proper name, perhaps meaning “appear in the sky”)
pulut pulut-i (paste) pulu (coconut husk, mulch)
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Meaning and V length:

saNa saNa (gable) hānā (ridge pole)

Meaning and V correspondence:

belaq (split) fela (partially open) hela (spread)
(t)impang (hobble) tifā (swerve) kīhā (pitch)

CV-accretion in Ha:

batu fatu pō-haku stone
taquh (D5:17) ma-ta'u 'ā-kau right (hand)
5. SUMMARY

There are 155 Hawaiian forms which, on the basis of meaning similarity and perfect conformity to known sound correspondences, may be assumed to be cognate with forms reconstructed for PPN and PMP. There are an additional 84 Hawaiian forms which may be cognate with specific PPN and PMP forms. However, all of these show some discrepancy from the known sound correspondences or unsatisfactory agreement in meaning. If these are all valid cognates, the number is increased to 239. Some PMP reconstructions have more than one Ha reflex, as PMP batu, binay, haNin, sinaR, taquh and (t)uquD.

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REFERENCES
  • CHURCHWARD, C. Maxwell, 1959. Tongan Dictionary (Tongan-English and English-Tongan). London, Oxford University Press.
  • DEMPWOLFF, Otto, 1934-8. Vergleichende Lautlehre des austronesischen Wortschatzes. 3 vols. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für Eingeborenen-Sprachen.
  • DYEN, Isidore, 1947. “The Malayo-Polynesian Word for ‘Two’.” Language, 23:50-55. (Abbreviated D1 in Section 3.)
  • — — 1947. “The Tagalog Reflexes of Malayo-Polynesian D.” Language, 23:227-238. (Abbreviated D2 in Section 3.)
  • — — 1949. “On the History of the Trukese Vowels.” Language, 25:420-436. (Abbreviated D3 in Sections 3 and 4.)
  • — — 1951. “Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *Z.” Language, 27:534-540. (Abbreviated D4 in Sections 3 and 4.)
  • — — 1953. “Dempwolff's * R.” Language, 29:359-366. (Abbreviated D5 in Sections 3 and 4.)
  • — — 1953. ‘Dempwolff's *R.” Language, 29:359-366. (Abbreviated D6 in Section 3.)
  • — — 1956. “The Ngaju-Dayak 'Old Speech Stratum.” Language, 32:83-87. (Abbreviated D7 in Sections 3 and 4.)
  • ELBERT, Samuel H., 1953. “Internal Relationships of Polynesian Languages and Dialects.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 9:147-173.
  • GRACE, George W., 1959. The Position of the Polynesian Languages within the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) Language Family. Baltimore, Indiana University Publication in Anthropology and Linguistics and Memoir 16 of the International Journal of American Linguistics.
  • PUKUI, Mary Kawena, and Samuel H. ELBERT, 1957. Hawaiian-English Dictionary. Honolulu. University of Hawaii Press.
1   I am grateful for the stimulation of discussions with Bruce Biggs and George W. Grace, senior specialists, Institute of Advanced Projects, East-West Center, University of Hawaii, and for their perceptive comments on an earlier draft of this paper; they, however, are not responsible for any errors therein.