Volume 74 1965 > Volume 74, No. 1 > The relevance of ancestry as a factor in social and cultural choice, by John Harre, p 2-20
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In the course of a wider study of intermarriage in Auckland 1 it became clear to me that ancestry was not always of paramount importance in determining the “way of life” of individuals who were the offspring of mixed marriages. I therefore collected from a number of part-Maori informants genealogies which included, in most cases, all the descendants from one or more nineteenth century mixed marriages. In this paper I have selected six of the most comprehensive of these drawn from four of the principal areas of Maori-Pakeha contact. Each case chosen demonstrates a particular facet of the situation, but it cannot be assumed that they are necessarily typical of the districts in which they are located; nor can any assumptions be made from this data as to the relative frequency of each type.

The descendants of a mixed marriage can be supposed to have open to them, in theory, a choice of social and cultural orientation 2. What the significant factors are in the making of this choice is the theme of this paper. Briefly stated my thesis is that (a) the proportions of Maori and - 4 Pakeha ancestry, as such, are of marginal importance in this field, and (b) of greater importance are the circumstances of the original union and the mixed family, the nature of the Maori group associated with the original union, and the status of the Pakeha spouse and his attitude to his children.

In order to demonstrate this I examine six mixed “marriages” 3 which took place between 1865 and 1885 and look briefly at the behaviour of the descendants. Some of the information about individuals is necessarily sketchy as in each case only one to four informants were able to be consulted. However these were all people who had a wide knowledge of their families and in some cases had kept records of the activities of their kinsfolk. Each case is accompanied by a genealogical table in which the symbols representing the individuals indicate their ancestry (see key with Fig. 1). The generations are numbered in each case (0 to 3d or 4d—that is, original marriage to third or fourth descending generation) and individuals named in the text are indicated by their generation and a reference number. Thus when a name is followed in the text by the note (2d/3) it means that this individual is in the second descending generation in the figure and is there labelled with a 3. In order to keep the tables to a manageable size the last generation given has been extended horizontally. The places referred to are shown on the map.

Butcher 4:

In the middle part of the nineteenth century John Butcher and his brother came to New Zealand from England. While his brother went to Wellington, John settled in or near Gisborne where he became involved in several businesses as well as in farming ventures. During his visits to the East Coast in the mid sixties he either married or established a liaison with Hinehau, a Maori woman from Tolaga Bay. They had one child, William (1d/1). Whether or not the marriage was formalised, John showed some concern for his half-Maori son as he tried at one stage to remove him from the Maori community in which he was being brought up. This move was unsuccessful and, although the boy took his father's surname, he was brought up among the kinsfolk of his mother. John Butcher was subsequently married at different times to two Pakeha women, and, although William was reared as a Maori among Maoris, his descendants have kept some contact with the descendants of his Pakeha half-siblings over three generations.

William Butcher established himself as a storekeeper in a Maori community near Gisborne and in about 1890 married Jane Hastings (1d/2). Jane was also the offspring of a mixed marriage and had been brought up as a Maori in a Maori environment. Her father was an English whaler who had married a Maori woman and settled down to farm

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the land of her father. William and Jane Butcher had seven children all of whom married individuals who were culturally Maori and most of whom were of full Maori descent.

The oldest and youngest, Billy (2d/1) and Margaret (2d/7) married two children of Alfred Hicks who, cut off by his family in England because of his marriage to a “cannibal woman”, had made his living farming the ancestral land of his wife. Billy, who is a stock agent in Gisborne has four children three of whom have married, in each case to a Maori or part-Maori. One son, and the husband of one daughter are farmers on the Coast and their children all identify as Maoris. The other son has a responsible job and lives in Wellington with his Maori wife who is also from the East Coast. They have four children who are all at school.

Margaret's husband is a farmer at Waipiro on the Coast and their nine children have spread widely over the North Island in a variety of jobs—farmer, labourer, clerk, dental nurse, postmaster, etc. All but one

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Figure 1:
Butcher Genealogy
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have married and in each case to either a Maori or a part-Maori, usually one born on the Coast.

Esther Butcher (2d/2) has married twice and in each case her husband has been a Maori farmer, farming ancestral land on the Coast. Her only child a daughter, married a local Maori farmer and they have one child.

Charles Butcher (2d/3) has been married twice, each time to a woman of full Maori ancestry. There are three children from each marriage. At one time he farmed the land of his first wife, but after his second marriage, he took work with the Public Works Dept. in Palmerston North. His second wife is from the King Country.

Hoerero (2d/4) was married first to Waka Tanga, the eldest son of one of the most famous leaders of the East Coast people He died young leaving one son, Edward who is a doctor and who has married into one of the other leading Maori families of this region. He has one son who is a school teacher. Hoerero is prominent in activities of Maori women's organizations and with her second husband ran a Maori hostel in Auckland.

Of the remaining two children of William I know little except that both are married to Maoris and both are farmers on the East Coast, Alfred (2d/6) farming the land of his wife. Their children all identify as Maoris and those who have married, married Maoris or part-Maoris.

It is clear that without exception the descendants of John Butcher have identified as Maoris to such an extent that in nearly one hundred years not one has married a Pakeha, and a very large proportion have remained to work the land handed down from their Maori ancestors. Many of those who have left the land have succeeded in establishing themselves in professions, but in no case has this meant full acculturation to a Pakeha way of life.


Miles Foster-Anderson came from a well-known military family in England and arrived in New Zealand as a farming cadet in about 1870. He subsequently took up land on the East Coast where he lived the life of a gentleman farmer. In about 1885 he married Maraea Maraka who belonged to one of the most important lineages in the local tribe. Between 1887 and 1894 they had four children, Maraea dying only a few years after the birth of the last. The second child, a girl died without marrying.

The eldest son, Richard (1d/1), has married three times his first and third wives being part-Maori while his second was full Maori. However, of nine children born to him only four survived to marry. The youngest of these (2d/4) married a Pakeha, but except that they lived in Napier, nothing was known of this couple by my informants. The eldest, a girl (2d/1), married David Stewart who was about three-quarters Maori and a contractor on the East Coast. Two of their children have become teachers. They still seem to identify completely as Maoris and the eldest daughter (3d/1) has married a Maori. Richard's other two children (2d/2 and 2d/3) are both farmers on the East Coast, living in a completely Maori environment.

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Figure 2:
Anderson Genealogy
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The third child, Victoria (1d/3) married the son of her father's Pakeha farm manager and his Maori wife. She had been educated at Hukarere, a leading private Maori girls' boarding school, and had a family of seven, all of whom lived to marry. In all cases these children identified as Maoris and married either full or part-Maoris. Most of them still live on the Coast, some being farmers, and several tradesmen. Two have moved to the town, one to a labouring job and the other to a factory. Of their children only four have yet reached marrying age and, of these, three have married part-Maoris and one a Pakeha.

Miles Anderson's youngest child, Moana (1d/4) was also educated at Hukarere, but spent most of her life on her father's farm. At twenty she married William Johnson, a Pakeha clerk in the nearby town who was a close friend of her father's. He had no kin in New Zealand and Miles encouraged his daughter in the match. The eldest son (2d/5), named after his father, has been married twice, his first wife, who was a full Maori died shortly after the birth of her first child who was subsequently brought up by his mother's kin. This man (3d/2) has dual cultural affiliation and has married a Pakeha. The first three children of Miles's (2d/5) second marriage (to a part-Maori and after he had shifted to Auckland) are all either at university or graduates of it. His youngest three children have returned with their mother to her home town of Stratford.

Moana's second child (2d/6) was adopted by a well-known Maori lawyer and brought up as his son. It was intended that he should be married to a Maori girl who was a member of the other major lineage in the tribe but, following a romantic mix-up, he married another girl who was half Maori and it was left to their daughter to draw the two lines together in marriage. All his children identify as Maoris although they are less than half Maori in ancestry.

The remaining members of Moana's family have identified much more as Pakehas. Thomas (2d/7) married a girl who had only a small fraction of Maori ancestry and his eldest daughter has married a Pakeha. Jean (2d/8) has married twice, each time to a Pakeha and her eldest daughter has also married a Pakeha. Philip (2d/9) the youngest has not married. He has a skilled position in a Hamilton factory and has the same dual cultural affiliation as the nephew (3d/2) mentioned above.

It can be seen from the above description that, although one of the four children of Miles Anderson married a Pakeha there was still a tendency for his descendants to identify as Maoris. The marriage to a Pakeha in the first descending generation did not have the effect of developing a Pakeha branch to the family as occurred in the Fox family to be described below, but there was a great tendency for this branch of the family to identify as Pakeha and to marry Pakehas. As with the Butcher family above, the highest tribal standing of many of the members of this family, and the degree of cohesion shown by the tribe to which they belong has been largely instrumental in keeping so many members of the family orientated towards the Maori group.

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Figure 3:
Whitney Genealogy


Nothing is known to his descendants of an Englishman named Whitney except that in about 1874 he had a child by a Maori woman in Northland, and that that child took his surname. Beatrice Whitney (1d/1) was brought up as a Maori and in 1894 married Huirua Peha Rongo. They had eight children who survived to marry, and of these all but the eldest married Maoris or part-Maoris.

The oldest daughter (2d/1) married Martin Yakich, a Yugoslavian gum digger, and although they named their first child after his Maori grandfather they seem to have identified largely as Pakehas for all their children except one have married Pakehas, the exception being one son who married his part-Maori cousin. However they do all mix freely with both races.

All the other children of Huirua Peha lived most of their lives in the small settlement of their birth and had their children there. However there has been little to support the rapidly growing population of this area and many of the next generation left their birth place for the town and - 11 at least one in almost every family has made a mixed marriage. For some the move to town meant no more than travelling the few miles to a small local business centre, while for others it has meant the longer journey to Auckland.

The local movement is illustrated by the family of Greta (2d/3) and her half-Maori husband Charlie Tamati. Their eldest child, Jim (3d/9) attended the local high school and then moved to Moerewa where work was available in the meat processing factory. He married a local Maori girl and they have continued to live in Moerewa. Pat (3d/10) became a truck driver and moved further afield to Whangarei, the largest town in Northland, and married a Pakeha girl whom he met there. Subsequently they have moved to Auckland. Piripi (3d/11) remained on his father's farm and married a Maori girl from a neighbouring settlement. Jean (3d/12) trained as a nurse in a small town in the north and while there met her future husband who was a Maori male nurse. Her youngest sister, April (3d/13) also took up nursing but returned home to marry a local Maori man employed as a truck driver.

Dick's (2d/2) children were given on the whole a better education than those of his younger brother and have spread wider in their search for work. His eldest son, Jack (3d/1), is a teacher who met and married a Maori girl while teaching in a local town. They are separated and Jack has moved to Auckland where his associates tend to be mostly Pakeha. Margaret (3d/2) took a factory job in Auckland and while there met and married a Maori boy from a neighbouring district and returned with him to work on a farm. Sam (3d/3) remained at home to look after the family farm and married a local Maori girl. By the time the next child, Celia (3d/4), was ready for secondary school the new Northland College had been opened, offering greater opportunities for the education of the children from this area. Celia became a Post Mistress after leaving school and finally married a Pakeha and shifted with him to Wellington. May (3d/5) trained as a nurse after leaving Northland College but returned to her home settlement to marry a local farmer. Sherry (3d/7) did not finish her full course at the College, but took a factory job in Auckland where she married a Maori from her home settlement who was employed as a labourer by the city council. Joe (3d/6) attended Otago University and became a doctor. He now lives in Wellington and has married a Pakeha girl who was a fellow student. Sally (3d/8) trained in Auckland as a teacher, has married a Pakeha—also a teacher. They live in Auckland. The two youngest children are still at school.

Although Whitney's descendants have had continuous contact with Pakehas, the economic differentiation between the two races in this part of the country has tended to minimise intermarriage in the past. However, with the movement to the towns intermarriage has become more general in the younger generation (3d.)


Little is known by his descendants of William Fox except that he had two children by his Maori wife. The contacts of these children were to a - 12 large extent with Pakehas, and so it appears likely that this was an established marriage and not just a passing liaison. William's wife, Ranga, is known to have been from a senior Arawa lineage and they lived all their married life in Rotorua.

The younger of their two sons, Emmanuel (1d/2), married a Pakeha, but when the children were still quite young their parents separated. The Pakeha mother took them to Auckland where they were reared as Pakehas and lost all contact with their Maori kin. The eldest of these children founded what is now a well known Auckland business. All three married Pakehas and their children, who have only one eighth Maori ancestry, are generally thought to be fully Pakeha.

Figure 4:
Fox Genealogy
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The older son, named William (1d/1) after his father, owned a small business in Rotorua and, although he lived in most respects as a Pakeha, he mixed freely with both races. He married a half-Maori girl from Northland who was the daughter of a Pakeha government official. They had nine children, the majority of whom have identified as Maoris. The others have married Pakehas and live as such. The four eldest (all males) married Maoris and worked at contracting jobs on the land in parts of the Bay of Plenty where the population is largely Maori. By now nineteen of their children have married and in only one instance has the spouse been a Pakeha. The other son (2d/5) and one daughter (2d/2) have had similar histories.

The other three daughters married Pakehas but this has not meant a complete break of contact with the Maori kin. Muriel (2d/1) married an Englishman and they run a small business in Rotorua. Most of their contacts are with Pakehas and one of their two sons has married a Pakeha. However their other son has married a part-Maori. Maraea (2d/3) married an Australian who died soon after the birth of their fourth child. She brought the children to Auckland and reared them in a Pakeha environment, but unlike her aunt, retained contact with her Maori kin by returning to Rotorua for holidays. All her children are culturally Pakehas and all have married Pakehas.

Wiki (2d/4) has married twice, each time to a Pakeha of high economic status. Although unmistakably Maori in appearance she is accepted completely and is fully at home in the higher levels of Pakeha “society” in the city. She has two children from her first marriage, both of whom have married Pakehas.

This case illustrates the way in which, by continuing marriages into the Pakeha group, families can become more and more Pakeha in cultural affiliation, but whether or not this means a break with the Maori section of the family depends on the circumstances of the marriages and the choices made by the individuals.


As in the case of the Whitney descendants, those of Hilton know little of the circumstances of their ancestor's relationship with his Maori “wife”. Their daughter (1d/1) took the surname of her father but married Hurutai Duke, a full Maori who lived near Thames and farmed his ancestral land. The couple prospered economically and adopted some Pakeha standards, in, for example, their style of house which was a typical colonial farmhouse. However the organization of the family group and their general way of life left no doubt that they still identified as Maoris. Nevertheless their economic position was such that they did mix freely with local Pakehas—quite an acceptable practice in this part of the country. In both the generation of Hurutai's children (2d) and in that of his grandchildren (3d) there have been intermittent marriages with Pakehas, but this has not usually meant that the inter-marrying individual has changed his cultural affiliation or that a “Pakeha branch” has been started as in the previous case.

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Figure 5:
Hilton Genealogy

The two sons (2d/3, 6) and one daughter (2d/4) of Hurutai who married Pakehas met them, not because they were moving in exclusively Pakeha circles in the city, but because they and their spouses were mixing in an integrated group in one of the small towns in the Bay of Plenty. Only one child from any of these three marriages has yet married and she has married twice—once to a Pakeha and once to a Maori.

Of the six children (2d/1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9) who married Maoris (either full Maoris or individuals with only a very small fraction of Pakeha ancestry) only two have tended to mix exclusively with Maoris and in the two cases where children from such couples have married it was to full Maoris. The others have all mixed in integrated groups and a description of the place of the eldest son Te Keepa (2d/1), and his family will give an idea of what this has meant.

Te Keepa married Mary Stewart who was of full Maori ancestry and they spent some years working at different jobs in the northern half of the island. Finally they settled down in Paeroa where Te Keepa built up a flourishing business selling farm machinery. Their children were brought up in this town with frequent contacts with both Maoris and Pakehas. The eldest child Percy (3d/1) was something of a playboy. He was divorced by his first wife, a Pakeha, but she and her two children continued to maintain contact with their Maori kin and one of the children - 15 regularly visits his Maori uncle for Christmas. When Percy was remarried it was to another Pakeha and they mix in a group which contains about equal numbers of Pakehas and Maoris. Ella (3d/2), Te Keepa's eldest daughter, married the boy next door who was a Pakeha. They subsequently moved to Auckland where they have established a small business. Doreen (3d/3) mixed with the same group as her older brother and married a Maori member of it who works in the Post Office. Bill (3d/4) the youngest son, travelled widely working in sawmills and eventually married a Maori girl in the King Country.

It is clear that although Hilton's descendants have identified as Maoris this has meant for them something quite different from what it has meant to the Whitney descendants discussed above. The reasons for this seem to lie in the nature of the contacts between the Maoris and Pakehas in the local community concerned and the economic circumstances of the families.


Arthur Horton who was a member of an English landed family came to New Zealand as a tourist in 1870, towards the end of the period of warfare between Maoris and settlers. He joined the Armed Constabulary, and shortly after being posted to Taupo was saved from drowning by a Maori girl. She became his wife. After his discharge from the army he worked for some years as a government official during which time he mixed mainly with Pakehas, but retained a great respect for the customs and values of his wife's people.

Arthur Horton educated his children in an English upper middle class tradition and it was probably due to his respect for both cultures that, while most of his descendants have become largely Pakeha in their cultural affiliation, they have nearly all retained some contact with Maoris and quite a number have married back into the Maori race.

His eldest son John (1d/1) was the only one to marry a full Maori. He was also the only one who did not finish his schooling, and returned to his father's farm near Rotorua. William (1d/2), the next son, received a university education and practised as an engineer in Auckland. During the First World War he was commissioned in the Maori Pioneers but for most of his life lived as a Pakeha. His Pakeha wife was the daughter of an Englishman who was being supported by his family in England. She had been educated in Europe. Mary (1d/3) married the son of a Pakeha businessman from Rotorua. Alfred (1d/4) had an outstanding career at a leading Auckland secondary school and was prominent in sport. He made a career in the Post Office, but later took up farming, and married a Pakeha girl who was the daughter of a pioneer farmer and had been brought up among Maoris.

The next two children died when young. Arthur, junior, (1d/5) who followed them, was the family favourite. Educated at one of the highest status boarding schools in the country he received a university education and dabbled in a number of activities. For much of his life he was supported by his mother and brothers. As in the case of his brothers he

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Figure 6:
Horton Genealogy
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served in the Maori section of the army during the First World War. He lived for a time in England where he separated from his wife. On his return to New Zealand and in his old age he began to identify more as a Maori and to become more interested in Maori things. Charles (1d/6) was educated at one of the agricultural universities and subsequently managed the family farm. Although he married a Pakeha, Charles was the only member of the family other than John who lived to any significant degree as a Maori. The youngest daughter, Emily (1d/7), was educated at a convent and then eloped with a man who was part-Maori and considered by her parents to be beneath them socially. Subsequently he established himself in a business. Emily and her husband always moved in Pakeha circles.

All of the children of the next generation were brought up as Pakehas but they did not lose Maori contacts. Twelve of the eighteen who have married, have married part-Maoris, and most are established in professional occupations as the following examples show.

William's eldest son (2d/1) received a university education and has made a successful career as a teacher. His professional contacts are mainly Pakehas but his occupation has allowed him to follow up his keen interest in Maori culture. During the Second World War he served with the Maori Battalion and his wife is almost full Maori in ancestry. The next son (2d/2) went into business and has always mixed in a Pakeha environment, but married a part-Maori girl whom he had met at school in Rotorua. They have left New Zealand and live in England. William's eldest daughter (2d/3) became a school teacher and later married an Englishman who is a marine engineer. They live in Wellington. The youngest son (2d/4) is an advertising executive who has married a Pakeha trained nurse.

Charles's eldest son (2d/5) received a university education and is a secondary school teacher. He has not yet married. His eldest daughter (2d/6) took an office job in Hamilton, and then returned to marry a Pakeha boy she had met at school; he is a driver. Her youngest sister (2d/7) also worked at an office job in the city until she married a visiting Australian. She now lives in Australia. The next daughter (2d/8) trained as a nurse in the local Rotorua hospital where she met and married an English doctor. The next son (2d/9) works as a farm labourer and has married the daughter of a local Pakeha farmer, while the youngest daughter (2d/10) who became a teacher, married another teacher who is part-Maori.

The few marriages which have already occurred in the next generation (3d) indicate that the same process of continuing contact with both races is likely to carry on.

The cases I have presented indicate that, included under what I have called mixed “marriages” in this context, are probably two quite different phenomena. In three of my cases nothing was known of the circumstances - 18 which surrounded such a “marriage” and the only thing that linked the two individuals was the presence of a single child and the fact that this child was given the surname of the Pakeha man concerned. In the case of Butcher, at least, this did not imply that the child was the result of a completely transient liaison for it appears that he tried hard to take the child with him when he shifted back to the town.

In the three cases where there was more than one child to the marriage and a considerable amount was known about the couple, it is probable that their's was a legal marriage or at least a de facto one.

In the cases where the relationship was probably a temporary one the child in each instance was reared by its Maori mother in her family or extended family unit and identified as a Maori. In the other cases the rearing of the children was subject to a more complex set of factors.

The way in which the descendants of the first type of union behaved was therefore closely related to the behaviour of the particular Maori group of which they were part. It seems likely that for these racially mixed descendants the presence of European ancestry counted for little or nothing in determining their cultural affiliation or their choice of spouses. It is much more realistic to look on these people in the way they probably looked on themselves—as full Maoris. A discussion of their behaviour and marriage choices would be a discussion of those of the whole Maori group in each particular district. It is not my purpose here to provide this in detail but I shall make a few suggestions as to the factors which have influenced the behaviour of the individuals in the three cases examined above. The three cases were purposely chosen as representing three quite different types of environment. The factors which seem important fall into the following categories: economic organization, social organization, demographic situation and race contact situation.

In the case of the Whitney descendants it was the poor economic situation of the individuals that forced them to move, and has resulted in a sprinkling of mixed marriages in the younger generation. Both the Hiltons and the Butchers were in a strong economic position, but while for the former this meant mixing on equal terms with the local Pakehas and consequently some intermarriage in all generations, for the latter it meant the possibility of greater cohesion in the tribal group and less dependence on Pakeha centres of population for employment.

But it was more than economic activity which kept the Butchers and their kin together. It was this region that had spearheaded the Maori revival at the end of the nineteenth century and it is probable that the sense of unity and identity as Maoris was stronger here than in the other two regions. However, there was another feature of the social organization in all regions which made possible the original identification of the individuals as Maoris and gave them the chance of achieving status as Maoris. This was the ambilateral descent system which made it possible for an individual to reckon his descent through either the male or female line. Thus it was possible for many of these individuals to become leaders in their communities within the traditional framework of leadership.

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Another factor which enabled the Maoris of the East Coast to maintain a cohesive group was the isolation of the area. Remote from any very large Pakeha centres of population, even today this region lacks an efficient communications system with the rest of the country. Thames was a centre of Pakeha farming activities and close to many towns, while Northland was both close to Auckland and connected by a direct rail link.

Finally, the relationships between the Pakehas and the Maoris in the various districts must be considered. To a large extent these were a product of the factors already discussed. Thus for the family from Thames, the high standard of living which they maintained added to the degree of proximity to Pakehas, meant that contacts were frequent, there was little status differentiation, and so, while the Maoris were able to retain their cultural identity, they could also mix freely with the Pakehas. In Northland on the other hand, while the Maoris were mostly economically depressed, the majority of the Pakeha farmers were more affluent and there was a much greater status differential. On the East Coast there were few Pakehas.

Of the three cases where the children of the initial mixed marriage were reared in a household along with their Pakeha father, the one which shows the most Maori influence is that of the Andersons. The fact that they lived in a remote country area where the proportion of Maoris was high, as well as the fact that the Pakeha father was a farmer, probably influenced this. Also of importance was the strong sense of identity of the particular tribal group concerned.

In the other two cases the family lived in a town, and, even though this was a town with a relatively high Maori population the involvement of the Pakeha men in business or government service in each case meant that they were moving in a predominantly Pakeha group. Coupled with this, most of the children in the first descending generation were educated in Pakeha schools. This was particularly so in the case of the Hortons. In the case of the Andersons those children who were given a special education were sent to schools catering for Maoris, these being considered the best schools—Maori or Pakeha—in the locality.

Thus, in the first descending generation, while the children of Anderson were established on the land, and so became tied even more strongly to the Maori community, those of Horton were mostly trained in a profession or married into a business family, and this meant that their ties with the Pakeha section of the community became emphasised. Following this, while only one of the children of Anderson married a Pakeha—and he an individual who had become closely associated with the local community, five out of the seven of Horton married Pakehas.

Although in each of these three cases at least one of the individuals in the first descending generation married a Pakeha, it was only in the case of Emmanuel Fox that this created an exclusive branch of the family, identifying as Pakehas, and having no contact with their Maori kin. This was a special case because the couple separated and the Pakeha wife returned with her children to Auckland. In other cases the breakdown of a marriage by death or divorce did not necessarily cause this type of split, - 20 either because the wife was the Maori and she kept contact with her own kin, or because the Pakeha spouse had established herself and her children in their role in the wider Maori kin group in such a way that this continued in spite of the separation.

It can be said, however, that in all cases where a part Maori has made a marriage to a Pakeha this has meant that his descendants have been more likely to identify as Pakehas and to marry Pakehas in their turn, than have their cousins. It is probable that a combination of factors such as appearance, education, occupation, residence and attitude of parents towards the two races operate in determining the actual choices of these individuals.

The foregoing examination of the behaviour of the descendants of some historically early mixed marriages indicates some of the effects interracial marriage has had on the racial and cultural make-up of the population of New Zealand.

Firstly, it is probable that nearly all the individuals who claim to be Maoris actually have some Pakeha ancestry. This means that the official statistics on the numbers of full Maoris are inaccurate, for many of these individuals state in their census returns that they are full Maori. It also seems likely that a number of individuals on the Maori electoral role have less than half Maori ancestry 5. This situation is allowed to come about partly by the fact that there is a tradition in New Zealand of not questioning an individual's claim to a certain origin.

Secondly, there is also a small proportion of the Pakeha population which has some Maori ancestry. It is unusual for this to be consciously concealed, although in most cases it is not thought necessary to publicise the fact. When a Pakeha does claim to have a small fraction of “Maori blood” it is usually seen as a touch of the exotic and does not bring about his identity with the Maori group in the eyes of his fellows.

Thirdly, there is a larger category of individuals of mixed ancestry who sometimes identify culturally as Maoris, but more often, because of their economic position, as Pakehas. Whatever their cultural identity these individuals always own to the presence of their Maori ancestry, usually keep contact with kin who are culturally Maori, and often have a strong allegiance to the Maori race even when they could quite easily pass as Pakehas.

1   “Maori-Pakeha Mixed Marriages in New Zealand”, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of London, 1963. To be published shortly as The Twain Shall Meet, by the Institute of Race Relations and Oxford University Press.
2   Choices of course are not made by individuals in terms of such fields as “affiliation to the Maori group”, but in terms of such things as occupation and residence, and it is the total pattern of these which determines the direction of cultural and social orientation. The decision as to whether any individual should be regarded as culturally Maori was therefore based on what was known by my informants of his associations. Choices related to place of residence, occupation and spouse normally formed a pattern on which a judgement could be based.
3   For the purposes of this discussion, if the descendants of a couple are able to identify them as their ancestors, then the union is considered to be a marriage.
4   All names are fictitious and some of the data used has been modified to protect the anonymity of my informants. However nothing has been done to alter the basic facts of the cases.
5   To qualify for inclusion on a Maori Electoral role an individual should be of half or more Maori ancestry.