Volume 75 1966 > Volume 75, No. 3 > Papahurihia: some thoughts on interpretation, by Judith Binney, p 321 - 331
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PAPAHURIHIA: SOME THOUGHTS ON INTERPRETATION

Mr. Ormond Wilson's recent article in the Journal 1 was intended solely to assemble together fragmentary and scattered references to the early visionary cult, Papahurihia. It purposed nothing further, yet, from this material, it is possible to suggest certain lines of interpretation. At the outset, however, the writer would like to express her indebtedness to a correspondence and exchange of ideas with Mr. Wilson.

The appearance of mystical religious sects is one of the more significant aspects of the reaction of one culture to the intrusion of another. These visionary heresies, that were and are still common throughout the South Pacific, stem from the influence of missionary preaching. Various heretical movements of the early nineteenth century developed independently of each other but, because they are reactions to similar circumstances, they have much in common. They combine elements of the new imposed religion with aspects of the old. Their appearance is, in itself, a definite rejection of Christian teaching. The leaders of the cults use and adapt Christian concepts to this end. By taking over some of the beliefs of the apparently powerful religion of the new settlers and, in particular, adopting some form of the new supreme deity and the potent ritual and words, the new religious leaders hope to reassert their independence against the intruders.

Papahurihia was one of the earliest recorded cults of the South Pacific. It is roughly contemporaneous with Mamaia, the Tahitian millenarian movement, which appeared about 1826 2 and the Hulumanu religion of Hawaii of 1833, 3 indeed, Papahurihia was first reported in the middle of the same year, 1833.

The early eighteen thirties in Northland was a period of confusion. The missionary George Clarke, in 1833, reported with an incredible lack - 322 of understanding the depression which had overtaken the Bay of Islands Maoris:

. . . they very often with the most unaccountable apathy . . . tell us they shall leave their country to us and our children, so true it is that in every sense of the word they are without natural affection either for their country or their families. 4

1833 also saw the beginning of a large scale baptism of Maori converts. At Waimate North, the centre of the expanding Anglican missionary movement, 90 converts were recorded in that year and within seven years the Anglicans claimed 2000 baptisms and 30,000 attending instruction. Maori conversion was the direct result of dislocation within their own lives. 5 New problems had been created within Maori society by the advent of European visitors and permanent settlers (and all the trappings that they brought with them) for which the traditional means of solution were inadequate. Musket wars that could not be controlled, diseases that could not be cured by the healing powers of the religious tohunga—these facts are too well known to require elaboration. The omnipotent God of the white-faces apparently kept his people alive while the Maoris died. The obvious conclusion was drawn that the Pakeha God, Atua, had sent ngarara, the lizard of death, to devour the entrails of his opponents. There are frequent references to the sense of the imminence of the death of the people and many instances of the deliberate defiling of tapu ritual long before conversion to Christianity.

It is in this context that Papahurihia emerged; in its own environment, in fact, it appeared earlier than Mamaia. For Mamaia developed at the time when there was a definite pattern of return to old practices by those who had once accepted Christianity. Most of the heresy movements appeared in similar circumstances, when former converts were turning away from a religion that failed to provide what they had sought in it: equal power and wealth with the Europeans. Papahurihia, however, emerged simultaneously with the beginning of conversion, when the Christian missions first broke through Maori resistance. But its leader was a former pupil of the mission school at the oldest of the church settlements, Rangihoua. 6 Unfortunately, his identity remains unknown. He took the name Te Atua Wera, meaning literally burnt, hot, or perhaps fiery God, after he had received the prophetic visions which started him on his career. Papahurihia, translated by Henry Williams as one who relates wonders (perhaps from papa, a seer or medium), seems to have been an alternative name for the man, although missionary reports at first used the word interchangeably for both the man and the god that he worshipped.

Te Atua Wera, in his teachings, combined the Evangelical stress on prophecy fulfilment with Maori occult and prophetic traditions. He used the orthodox techniques of a religious tohunga: seance and ventriloquism. John Webster, an early European settler, described one seance - 323 held by Te Atua Wera on the eve of the battle between Hone Heke and the British:

. . . suddenly a whistling sighing kind of sound was heard over our heads, and it moved about in a mysterious manner, sometimes a fluttering, and I thought that some thing actually touched me. 7

Whistling was the usual manner in which the spirits of the dead spoke, according to Maori tradition. Whiwhio, the whistle, was a hollow eerie voice adopted, presumably, by the seer in a state of trance. Consequently, an alternative name for Papahurihia became whiwhio. 8 There is no substantial evidence to support the frequent suggestions of contemporaries that Te Atua Wera had been taught his occult practices by a passing European. Maori religious tohunga were well skilled in the arts of ventriloquism and summoning up the dead and, undoubtedly, Te Atua Wera drew on this knowledge. The missionaries early reported that he was using ‘sleight of Hand Tricks’. 9

Te Atua Wera declared that he had had a vision in which the serpent of Genesis, nakahi, had appeared to him. (Nakahi was the Maori transliteration adopted by the missionaries for the Hebrew nahash.) The word nakahi probably first became known amongst the Bay Maoris with the translation of Genesis i-iii, brought back from Sydney late in 1827. Nakahi commanded Te Atua Wera that he should be worshipped. The sabbath was declared to be a Saturday, and in the evening, according to John King, the priest recited portions of the Holy Scriptures and accounts of heaven and hell, told him by the spirits of the dead. Henry Williams added that the converts of the religion practised baptism and professed to know the Scriptures. Charles Baker reported that the converts told him that the Bible was true but that the missionaries had given a false interpretation to it. 10

It is clear, therefore, that Te Atua Wera incorporated aspects of Christian teaching in the new religion. The procedures of conversion and the potent words were taken over; the techniques of the missionaries carefully applied. In particular, the Evangelical love of the Old Testament had been absorbed by the neophyte at the mission school; the missionaries' favourite pastime, quoting Old Testament prophecies, was turned against them. The heaven of Te Atua Wera specifically excluded the Evangelical missionaries. 11 Those who had tried to impose heaven and hell as a system of rewards and punishments on Ngapuhi were shut out of the promised land, a heaven, as conceived by the new prophet, to be ‘flowing with milk and honey’:

You feel there neither the rigours of cold, nor of hunger or thirst; you enjoy unending light. Everything is found in plenty, flour, sugar, guns, ships; there too murder and sensual pleasure reign. 12

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Visionary sects frequently take the form of tolerance of good living and sexual promiscuity for the elect. This licence would, in part, be a reaction to the strict puritanism taught by the missionaries. The Old Testament patriarchs, as so often before, provided a handy precedent for those seeking to ‘reinterpret’ the Holy Word. The abandoning of ordinary strictures and values, the participation in orgies, fills in the period of waiting for the new age; it is a common ingredient of many millenarian movements. 13 Te Atua Wera made many converts, it was said, because he placed no restraint on sexual behaviour. That his heaven was full of similar promised delights is not surprising. Christianity had failed to provide either wealth or property for the mission pupils, yet the immense richness and technological superiority of the Europeans was apparent. Clearly, the God of the Europeans had provided these things but the white-faces had cornered the market. One of the more common aspects of the visionary religious sects is the foretelling of the coming of the millenium when all the goodies that the white men possess will be returned to their rightful owners. The cargo cults of New Guinea, including the recent Lyndon Johnson sect, patently manifest this belief. Mamaia had the same central ingredient:

They are to have a ship load of cloth from the skies and a large boat made for the purpose is to bring the ship from above. They are to have swarms of fish come on the strand for their use, wine from heaven in bottles, and cows out of the clouds. 14

The prophet points out the visible signs of the coming millenium. In March 1843, Te Atua Wera explained a brilliant comet which had been in the sky for a fortnight and which was, he said, under his control. The missionary, Woon, in reporting this claim, added that Te Atua Wera had explained the reason for its appearance at that time. 15

The divinity of these various cults was the European Godhead, adapted. Atua, Jehovah, had shown himself to be all-powerful, while the missionaries, in their preaching, stressed the omnipresence of God. The early nineteenth century Calvinist missionaries saw every incident as the direct intervention of Providence; God may have moved in mysterious ways, but he certainly moved. One of the most obvious difficulties that the Maoris experienced, as they frequently pointed out, was that their God and the European God could not be the same. But the differences of colour and all the separate cultural practices could be resolved by dividing the Godhead. 16 In Tahiti, Mamaia chose Christ, in New Guinea, the prophet Marafi in 1933 chose Christ's rival, Satan, while in New Zealand the leader of Hauhau set up Jehovah as the deity and left Christ to be the God of the whites. 17 Te Atua Wera set up nakahi as the covenant God.

The role of the serpent in the Christian religion would be singularly difficult for a neophyte to absorb. The serpent appeared before Eve as - 325 her tempter but as the rod of Moses his function becomes more obscure. And, of course, the ill-digested and half-understood concepts of the school pupil will soon lose all relation to their origin. The writer has recently come across an example of such a process in operation: a secondary-school teacher, attempting to explain the Wordsworthian concept of primal innocence and its destruction with the knowledge of sin, drew on both the myth of Adam and Eve and the Greek legend of Pandora, in which the box of evil is opened. At the end of the lesson, one child, not so very young, asked the teacher—‘Sir, did you say that it was Adam or Eve who opened that box?’

Missionary teaching tended to place emphasis on prophecy fulfilment. The Evangelicals believed that the work in which they were partaking was the consummation of a divine command to save a long-forgotten people. In this context, the actual discovery of the South Seas had been seen as the work of Providence; the words of Isaiah seemed about to be fulfilled:

And it shall come to pass in that day, that the Lord shall set his hand again the second time to recover the remnant of his people, which shall be left, from Assyria, and from Egypt . . . and from the islands of the sea. 18

Consequently, it becomes very significant that Papahurihia's followers were known as Hurai, Jews. Mr. Wilson quotes contemporary accounts to the effect that Te Atua Wera had been taught by a ventriloquist Jew and rightly rejects this explanation for the origin of both Te Atua Wera's skills and the name by which his followers were known. The association with Judaism is of quite separate origin. For the missionaries had planted in the minds of their pupils their own belief that the Maoris were descendants of the lost tribes of Israel, who, wandering throughout the world, had reached New Zealand and, simultaneously, their lowest state of ‘degradation’. 19 Such theories to explain the origin of the Maoris were held by all the missionaries in some form. Thirty years were yet to pass before the Biblical explanation of the population of the earth by the sons of Noah was to be challenged. Samuel Marsden, for example, had made his views quite plain: he found parallels with Judaic practices in orthodox Maori beliefs which coincidence, he assumed, pointed to a corruption of the ‘true’ beliefs once known to them but now grossly perverted.

I am inclined to think that [the Maoris] have sprung from some dispersed Jews, at some period or other from their religious Superstitions and Customs . . . They have like the Jews a great natural turn for traffic . . . They also believe that by eating the Flesh, and drinking the blood of the departed Chief his System becomes incorporated into their System . . . and his Spirit will then take up its residence in their bodies as being part of its former habitation—This is a singular idea and one would be led to think that it had been derived from divine revelation. Our Saviour told the Jews ‘He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood dwelleth in me and I in him’ . . . 20
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It is apparent, therefore, that Papahurihia's followers in the north and those whom William Williams met on the East Coast in 1840 going by the ‘name of Jews, that is they will have nothing to do with Christianity’ 21 were not simply unconverted Maoris. By adopting the Old Testament name they were deliberately rejecting Christianity. The tribal affinities and the nomadic saga of the Jews provided emotional reasons for identification with them. Te Ua, the prophet of Pai Marire, also showed his sympathy for the Jews and his sense of identity with them as people who had been dispossessed of their land. Like Papahurihia, Pai Marire took over the Jewish sabbath.

From the missionaries, Papahurihia grasped that his people were the lost remnants of the Lord's chosen, that they were descendants of those who had formerly possessed the only true religion, revealed to them by the one God. He thereby established a unique relationship for the ‘chosen people’ with the omnipotent God. As God had once spoken directly to his prophets, so he would reveal himself again. The serpent, as a testimony of his sources, told Te Atua Wera that Saturday was the true sabbath and that the Apostles had ‘turned Monday into a sabbath’. 22 For God had spoken before through the serpent; ngarara, the lizard of death, became nakahi, the lizard of life:

And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up:
That whosoever believeth in him shall not perish, but have eternal life. 23

The divinity also imbued his Advocate with extraordinary powers. Like Christ, Te Atua Wera claimed the ability to raise the dead. So too did the leaders of Mamaia; in fact, the resurrection of the dead is again a common element in millenarianism. The appearance of the dead is a sign of the imminence of the promised new world. The Christian word of ‘life’ was taken in its most literal sense.

Te Atua Wera probably chose his name in association with the idea of the fiery second coming. (‘God gave Noah the rainbow sign, No more water, the fire next time!’) In Maori lore the comet was a portent of change and auguries were drawn from its appearance; for the messianic leaders it is traditionally a sign of the advent of the millenium. (In 1514, on the eve of the Reformation, Albrecht Durer cut his famous engraving, Melancholia, of a women with all the tools of Renaissance learning about her, sitting inert; above is a rainbow with a comet in its arms, the sign of portending disaster.) The catalyst announces the end of the old world and the beginning of the golden age when all riches will be bestowed on the believers. The old world and the unbelievers will be consumed by fire so that the new perfect era can begin.

The elaborate imagery of the Bible, much quoted by the missionaries, would appeal to the Maoris, adept in the use of metaphor. The prophet's description of ‘aotea's tree’ as reported by the Roman Catholic, Servant, is undoubtedly a complex of many origins.

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Tanakahi has compared the heretics to aotea's tree; this tree is placed in a straight line to which another tree leads placed along a curved line which begins at the foot of the straight tree. This tree is called the judgement tree. At the end of the curved tree are the heretical missionaries, in prayer; they are taking the path that leads to Satan's fire; the sound of the men of the fire is heard. Tanakahi, the new god, passes under the curved tree and goes to stir up the eternal fire; then he climbs the straight tree the top of which touches the sky; the heretics also try to climb but, when they think they are reaching the sky, the sky flees above them and they fall back into the abyss . . . Here is what is reported to have been said by Tanakahi concerning the other life. When a good man has left this life, which is nothing but a night, he goes to Hungi's aotea. That is the land of happiness . . . 24

The Roman Catholic missionaries had found that the use of the image of a tree with branches to explain the splitting of the Protestant sects from the ‘straight’ trunk had been extremely popular. The recurring Maori legend of the pohutukawa at Te Reinga, the departure point for the spirits of the dead, has probably been amalgamated by Papahurihia into the ‘straight’ tree which must be climbed to reach aotea, literally, ‘white cloud’, apparently used in the sense of heaven. The exoteric Maori legend of Tawhaki, climbing up to ‘heaven’, also immediately comes to mind. ‘Hungi's aotea’ is heaven, counterpointed by the hell fires. ‘Hungi’ is possibly hunga, people, as in hunga whakapakoko, image people, the Maori name for the Roman Catholics; perhaps it is the ‘people's’, even Roman Catholic, heaven as opposed to the Calvinist heaven. According to Servant, Te Atua Wera supported the Catholics and in making this assertion the missionary may not be as naive as he might appear. For, about 1840, those who opposed the British annexation of New Zealand often gave their support to the Catholic missionaries simply because they were foreigners and rivals of the Protestants, who were unequivocally associated with British colonisation. In times of opposition to the government, the Catholic missionaries invariably rose in popularity.

In a similar way, the serpent nakahi was of mixed origins. His name is derived from the Maori word for a reptile that was unknown in New Zealand but his appeal lay in the traditional veneration and fear that the Maori had for the ngarara, the lizard, or creeping thing, usually associated with death. Gradually it is this traditional aspect in nakahi which asserts itself. For Te Atua Wera, by the mid-eighteen forties is fulfilling the usual function of a religious tohunga. Hone Heke consulted him, as seer and prophet of Ngapuhi, before battle, and nakahi, who appeared in the seances to elucidate the outcome of the war, is now the familiar spirit that all tohunga possessed. Te Atua Wera's role was that of war-priest:

Ngakahi spoke in the night to Heke and his people, by the mouth of the Atua Wera, 'Be brave and strong, and patient. Fear not the soldiers; they will not be able to take this fort—neither be you afraid of all those different kinds of big guns you have heard so much talk of. I will turn aside the shot, and they shall do you no harm; but this pa and its defenders must be made sacred (tapu). You must particularly observe all the sacred - 328 rites and customs of your ancestors; if you neglect this in the smallest particular, evil will befall you, and I also shall desert you. You who pray to the god of the missionaries, continue to do so, and in your praying see you make no mistakes. Fight and pray. Touch not the spoils of the slain, abstain from human flesh, lest the European god be angry, and be careful not to offend the Maori gods. It is good to have more than one god to trust to.’ 25

Te Atua Wera thus covered himself from all sides but seems to have identified himself with those who worshipped the Maori gods. At first, the war went well for Ngapuhi: nakahi blew on the shot of the rocket gun and caused it to turn aside and fly away from the besieged pa. 26 But Heke himself was to cause the change of fortunes: in rage he snatched up a cartridge box from a dead body. Te Atua Wera knew then that the ‘Maori atua are arrayed against us, the spirits of the dead are now angry; we are lost; and you, Heke, are now no longer invulnerable.’ 27 All that the priest could do was to make the bearers of Heke, who was inevitably wounded being now without the favour of the gods, invisible to the enemy so that the chief could be carried away from the battlefield. 28

Te Atua Wera, then, emerged as the foremost religious tohunga of Ngapuhi in the middle of the century. He had acquired both wealth and power in his position as a rival religious leader to the missionaries. The new cult had served to make its leader, and perhaps his followers, stronger, and as Te Atua Wera grew in stature 29 so his doctrines became more traditional. Possibly he had fulfilled his function as prophet of immediate salvation; he had helped his people through a period of spiritual despair. But if they were to retain their identity, they had to hold to the past as well. By the mid-eighteen forties Te Atua Wera is largely an orthodox religious tohunga. He settled at Omanaia Valley in the Hokianga district, where he set up a school of learning. Here, one of his leading pupils was Aperahama Taonui of Te Popoto of Hokianga, who is said to have written down the teachings of the old prophet. Aperahama had been, in younger days, a convert to Wesleyanism, as his name indicates, but the teachings of the missionaries had inspired in him mystical religious experiences of his own. One day, in September, 1834, while debating whether a certain Maori should be buried according to Christian or Maori ritual, Aperahama was seized by a ‘supernatural impulse’. He fell to the ground and prophesied the second coming on the following Monday, when the clouds would be red and twelve suns would appear in the sky. 30 A few days later, the Wesleyan missionaries were visited by Aperahama, wearing ‘decent English clothes’ but, alas, with a long white veil before his face. He seemed to be in deep meditation and ‘put several questions to us, some of which were of a curious nature, occasionally interrupting the conversation by breaking out in singing with - 329 his own words and tune.’ 31 Two days afterwards, he informed the missionaries that he was none other than Jesus Christ but within three days he had recanted and publicly confessed his mistake in stating that he was the expected Messiah, come to establish his kingdom on earth. 32

But, although the apocalyptic experiences of the leaders of the nakahi cult were eradicated, the movement survived, even beyond the death of both the prophet and his disciple. 33 For, in the eighteen nineties, there was a revival of the movement centred in Waima, a settlement in the neighbour valley to Omanaia. Dr. Hohepa in his thesis, A Maori Community in Northland, has established that the peak of the revival was the years 1897-1898, stemming from long-standing resentment of government legislation and land policies. The Dog Tax, levied by the Hokianga County Council in 1898, became a symbol of European injustice; Waima rose in revolt and refused to pay its taxes. The settlement, led by its new medium, prepared for a siege but in the end gave itself up to the government forces and Hone Heke, M.P. for Northland Maori and grandnephew of the war chief. 34

In this revival of Papahurihia, Te Atua Wera was said to return in spirit during the seances. Spiritualism and ventriloquism were practised again and the cult now became known as the ‘Blackout Movement’ after the seances, held in semi-darkness. 35 The teaching of genealogies, incantations, and Maori rites was combined with gambling and drinking. But speaking to the dead through the seance remained the central aspect. 36

Papahurihia, like all heresy cults, appealed to those who were dissatisfied with the Christian religion and abjured it. But the teachings of the missionaries had made their impact. In their origins, such movements are attempts to preserve the old by adopting elements of the new. For this reason they have been called ‘adjustment’ cults but they attempt to provide, in the adaptation of the European religion of ‘rewards’, the means of resistance to the intruders on their lives and on their land. The belief in an imminent millenium offered an immediate hope; it is this aspect of Christianity that initially acquired appeal in a time of social disorientation. The heavy emphasis that the missionaries had placed on mystical passages in the Bible was the seed-bed for the early strange visions of the chiliastic religion. For example, Thomas Kendall, first missionary in New Zealand, more than once had used Revelation as a text for his sermons and these difficult and obscure passages reappear in the apocalyptic visions of Aperahama and Te Atua Wera. The missionary emphasis on direct divine interposition was taken over by their pupils because it accorded with their own ideas of the function of a Godhead. The missionaries, of course, could only see Satan at work but were themselves indirectly responsible.

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The belief in spirit possession and personal communication with God is not unique to the Polynesian heresies nor was it derived solely from Maori religious practices. Such phenomena are basic to most millenarian sects: the sixteenth century Anabaptist groups show a similar pattern of behaviour. They, too, were born of a time of dislocation when the Protestant attack had challenged the authority of Rome and, thereby, thrown open the floodgates for the appearance of self-appointed prophets, each of whom claimed a direct personal relationship with God. Religious ecstasy, trance-like states, direct communication of the inward spirit with God—these experiences are common forms of mystical religious enthusiasm in all cultures.

Papahurihia derived from the ‘glad tidings’ brought to New Zealand, but its hostility towards the bearers was marked. This movement, and Mamaia, and Hauhau all had in common one belief, the preservation of the followers through their faith. All the leaders of these sects expressed this idea in its most tangible form. Faith gave them the power to turn bullets. 37 Religion rendered the followers of the prophets invincible against the most patently destructive element introduced by Europeans into their society but faith also made them invincible against the less obvious. The Evangelical missionaries had taught that faith alone is sufficient. God then could do anything they wished. Samuel Marsden had introduced such a concept in the most direct way. Tapu, he said, would not heal the Maori wounds, preserve the Maoris from danger, or save them from death, but God could do all these things for them. 38

It is not difficult to see why these movements took the form that they did. Papahurihia, in its origins, was a garbled version of grossly over-simplified Christian teaching, understood in the context of traditional Maori thought. It was the product of a short acquaintance with Calvinist theology combined with resentment at missionary ‘wealth’, at missionary prohibitions, European technological superiority, and later, political discontent. But the skills of the preacher were derived from Maori occult practices and a tradition of religious prophecy. From these sources sprang a messianic visionary cult, whose strength initially derived from the belief that God would return to his chosen people. But the element of millenarianism dropped out, to be revived, however, by the more violent Hauhau devotees against whom, ironically, both Aperahama Taonui and Te Atua Wera raised their voices in opposition.

REFERENCES
  • CLARKE, George. Letters and Journals, 1822-1849, Vol. I, Mss. Vol. 60, Hocken Library, University of Otago.
  • ELDER, John Rawson, 1932. The Letters and Journals of Samuel Marsden 1765-1838. Dunedin, University of Otago.
  • GUNSON, W. N., 1962. ‘An Account of the Mamaia or Visionary Heresy of Tahiti, 1826-1841’. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 71:209-253.
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  • HOHEPA, P. W., 1964. A Maori Community in Northland. Anthropology Department, University of Auckland.
  • [MANING, F. E.], 1956. Old New Zealand . . . together with a History of the War in the North of New Zealand. Christchurch etc., Whitcombe and Tombs.
  • MARSDEN, Rev. Samuel. Journal of proceedings at New Zealand, 29 July 1819-19 October 1819, Ms. 177B, Hocken Library, University of Otago.
  • PHILLIPPS, W. J., 1966. ‘The Cult of Nakahi’. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 75:107.
  • TAYLOR, Rev. Richard, 1855. Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants. London, Wertheim and MacIntosh.
  • WEBSTER, John, 1908. Reminiscences of an Old Settler in Australia and New Zealand. Christchurch etc., Whitcombe and Tombs.
  • WHITELY, John. Journal, 1834, Ms., ATL.
  • — — Letter, 20 November 1834, Wesleyan Miscellaneous Correspondence, Trinity Methodist Theological College, Auckland, typescripts.
  • WILSON, Ormond, 1965. ‘Papahurihia, First Maori Prophet’. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 74:473-483.
  • WRIGHT, Harrison M., 1959. New Zealand 1769-1840: Early Years of Western Contact. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press.
  • Abbreviations:
  • CMS Church Missionary Society.
  • ATL Alexander Turnbull Library.
1   Wilson 1965:473-483.
2   Gunson 1962:210.
3   Gunson 1962:209.
4   Letter 13 September 1833: Ms.60/43.
5   Wright 1959: 144-165.
6   He was, on Servant's evidence, a ‘chief’ at Rangihoua, where John King maintained the mission school. Henry Williams and William Wade both confirm the fact that he was taught by the Anglican missionaries at some time. Wilson 1965:475-478.
7   Webster 1908:261.
8   Hohepa 1964:27.
9   James Shepherd letter 27 January 1834:CN/076a CMS Archives microfilm ATL. The writer is indebted to Mr. Wilson for this reference.
10   Wilson 1965:475-476.
11   Servant, Wilson 1965:479.
12   Servant, Wilson 1965:479.
13   The leaders of Hauhau and Mamaia taught that their followers should freely indulge sexually in order to propagate the sect.
14   Samuel Crook 1828, Gunson 1962:226.
15   Journal 18 March 1843, Wilson 1965:478.
16   Gunson 1962:240.
17   Gunson 1962:240.
18   Isaiah xi,11.
19   Taylor 1855:8.
20   Samuel Marsden II New Zealand Journal 1819, concluding remarks: Ms.177B.
21   Journal 20-22 October 1840: CN/096b CMS Archives microfilm ATL. The writer is indebted to Mr. Wilson for this reference.
22   King letter 3 December 1834, Wilson 1965:475.
23   John iii. 14-15. Published by the missionaries in Maori in 1830 and again in 1833.
24   Wilson 1965:479.
25   Maning 1956:233. See also 274.
26   Maning 1956:237.
27   Maning 1956:255.
28   Maning 1956:256.
29   On the admittedly fragmentary evidence of Servant and Woon, the high point of the millenarian aspects would seem to be the late 1830's and the early 1840's; Te Atua Wera's reappearance in the war indicates that, like many prophets, he successfully survived the failure of his prophecies!
30   John Whitely Journal 21 September 1834.
31   John Whitely Journal 23 September 1834.
32   Whitely letter 20 November 1834.
33   Te Atua Wera died 1875, Aperahama Taonui 1882.
34   Hohepa 1964:27.
35   Hohepa 1964:27.
36   Hohepa 1964:27. The seances associated with nakahi continued in the Hokianga district, although nakahi, if the description reported by W. J. Phillipps is correct, underwent a radical physical transformation, becoming partly hairy and partly human in form! Phillipps 1966:107.
37   Nakahi, as it has been shown, blew aside the rocket for his followers, while Te Atua Wera is also said to have given one of his converts a gun that would render him invulnerable.
38   Marsden III New Zealand Journal, Elder 1932:274.