Volume 7 1898 > Volume 7, No. 1, March 1898 > The Malayo-Polynesian theory, III, by John Fraser, p 1-14
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The Journal of the Polynesian Society.
VOL. VII. 1898.

(Continued from page 100, Vol. V., June, 1896.)

This Question is here viewed from an Australian standpoint.

Explanatory Note.—I resume this subject because I have unexpectedly come across some Australian facts which throw a sidelight on it, and because it is evident from an article in the last number of this Journal (page 153), that the drift of my argument is not yet understood. The words to which I refer are: “That the continent of India, and not the Malay Archipelago, was the original seat of the Polynesian race is not a new theory. It has been maintained for many years by several of the missionaries familiar with the people. Malayo-Polynesian has been retained as a distinctive name without endorsing the old exploded idea.” On the contrary, I have all along argued (1) that the Polynesian, both brown and black, did come from what is now the Malay Archipelago; and (2) that the term Malayo-Polynesian is still used by missionaries and others, from the belief that the brown Polynesians are in some way Malays. For instance, in ‘The Martyrs of Polynesia,’ by the Rev. A. W. Murray, of the London Missionary Society (London, 1885), at page 114, I find these words, “The natives of Aneiteum are rather an inferior race; the vast majority of them are Papuan, but we found individuals who were evidently allied to the Malay races in Eastern Polynesia.” A recent missionary lexicographer says: “The Samoans must have migrated before the Malay became corrupted. It is now probably nearer to the old Malay than the language at present spoken by them.” So also a recent Missionary book (London, 1892) says, “The woman was a Malay, as all the Aniwans were.”

Scientists have also done much to spread the Malayo-Polynesian theory, chiefly Wilhelm von Humboldt, who, on the very first page of his great work (Über die Kawi Sprache auf der Insel Java), says, “Under this name—the Malayan race—I include the inhabitants of all the islands of the great Southern Ocean”; and John Fred. Blumenbach, who is regarded as one of the founders of anthropology, in his - 2 work (De varietate nativa generis humani) enters as ‘Malayan’ two Maori and one Tahitian skull which he had. In short, the idea on which the term ‘Malayo-Polynesian’ is based is by no means dead. And even those who do not hold that theory have shown nothing better to put in its place; hence the importance of the present discussion.

The view which I take is a “new theory” so far as I am concerned, for I have never seen it stated by any other. It is shortly this: Whereas others maintain that a conspicuous portion of the Polynesian language has come from the Malays, I hold that these words were Polynesian before they became Malayan; that is, that the Malays, when they came into the Indian Archipelago, found a Polynesian language there from which they borrowed largely. And further, I hold that in Indonesia the first dwellers were of the Melanesian stock, that the ancestry of the present Polynesians was grafted on that, and that the Malays are the last and latest settlement there. Thus I account for the well-known fact that the ground-work of the purely Melanesian languages shows many root-words in common with the languages both of the brown Polynesians and the Malays. Others say that these words come through the Malays; I say that the Malays were the borrowers. “The truth,—the more it's shook, it shines,” and every question as to the origin of our Polynesians and their speech ought to be worthy of a place in your Journal.

IN my last paper on this subject I said: “If a supporter of the Malayo-Polynesian theory were to come in here and tell me that he can produce a clear case of borrowing; for the Malay has kāka-k, ‘an elder brother’ (where the final k is a formative); that at Motu this word is kaka-na, and that elsewhere on the coast of New Guinea it is 'a'ana, tua-hana; that in Maori tua-kana is ‘the elder brother of a male,’ ‘the elder sister of a female,’ and matua-keke (i.e., ‘a full-grown kaka') is ‘an uncle’; that in Samoan tua-gane is ‘a woman's brother’—I should at once reply that, although kakana, and hana, and kana, and keke, and -gane are all the same word, it does not follow that they came from the Malay language, for the Malay itself is a borrower from far earlier forms which came originally from India.”

In support of my contention that the Malay is a borrower I quoted several instances of the use of that word in India, as Panjabi kāka, ‘an elder brother’; Sindhi kāka, ‘an elder brother’; Marathi and Hindi kaka, ‘a paternal uncle’; Hindustani, chāchā, ‘a paternal uncle’; khāl, ‘a maternal uncle.’ To these examples, I might have added the Hindustani kākā, ‘an elder brother’; kaki, ‘a maternal aunt’; chacherā (adj), ‘belonging to a paternal uncle’; hence chachera bhai, ‘a male cousin.’ Now, it is impossible to deny that these are genuine Indian words, and earlier than the Malay; in fact, Forbes's Hindustani Dictionary marks kaka and kaki as taken from the aboriginal languages of India. The Malay, therefore, got them from India, and is the borrower. Or, rather, according to my theory, they came into Indonesia long before the Malays settled there; they belonged to the first inhabitants of these parts—the ancestors of the - 3 present Melanesians and Polynesians, and with them the words in question passed into Oceania; at a later time the Malays came into Indonesia; finding the words there, they adopted them and now use them as their own—all which will be unfolded as I now go on with this discussion.

The Dictionary's statement that these words of relationship are aboriginal in India is supported by the fact that away up among the Himalayas, where many of the aborig inal blacks of India found refuge after the Aryan invasion, the Nepalese Vayu people speak of kuku, ‘a maternal uncle,’ kiki, ‘a grandfather,’ and chacha, ‘a grandson’; while the Chitrali dialect in the Hindu Kush says kai, ‘a sister, a cousin’; and the Nager dialect, used to the north of Gilgit in the same quarter, says khakin,1 ‘a daughter-in-law’; the Kolarians also, an aboriginal race in east-central India, say kako, ‘an elder brother’; kaki, ‘an elder sister’; kankar, ‘a mother-in-law.’ Therefore, since these words belong to the speech of the black races who first occupied India before the Aryans came in, and since the same terms in the same sense are used by the present inhabitants of the Malay Archipelago, it seems to me clear that Indonesia was first peopled by an influx of a portion of those black races from the mainland, coming probably through Further India, where the black Samangs are still relics of their presence; then, I infer that, in the course of time, a fairer race, like the Khmêrs of Cambodia, settled in Indonesia among the blacks and took up part of their language; and further on the Malays probably did likewise; for it is certain that the Malays came in much later. Thus the sequence of population in Indonesia would be—(1) blacks from India and Further India; (2) a fairer race which, partly amalgamating with the blacks, produced the ancestors of the present brown Polynesians; (3) the Malays, a Mongolian race, take possession and adopt much of the language and customs of their predecessors.

The Chitrali word kai, ‘a sister, a cousin,’ further supports my arguments; for I compare it with words used by the true Papuans of Torres' Straits, of whose black origin there can be no dispute—kai-mer, ‘a man's brother,’ ‘a woman's sister’; kai-meg, ‘a cousin, a follower, a comrade’; kai-ed, ‘a grandfather, an ancestor’; to these add ko, which, in Epi, an island of the New Hebrides, means ‘a brother's sister,’ ‘a sister's brother’; in Fiji, ka-sa, ‘a companion,’ and kei, kai, ‘with,’ kai, ‘an inhabitant or native of a place,’ with which compare the Australian suffix -kal in the same sense.

But what will the supporters of the Malayo-Polynesian theory say - 4 when I now tell them that the Malay word kāka-k, ‘an elder brother,’ and cognate forms are common words of relationship throughout the continent of Australia? Will they say that our natives, who are a very ancient race, borrowed these words from the Malays, who are quite modern in their origin? Or, will they say that our blackfellows also, as well as the brown Polynesians, are Malays, because they have in their speech a few words which the Malays also have? No; the true explanation is that their first home was in Asia, and that with the spread of races from that central source these words of relationship have gone into all parts of Oceania.

And the facts which I am now about to quote touch the theory, held by some, that our native blackfellows are a separate creation, and have no ethnic relationship to the rest of mankind. If that were so, how does it come about that in all parts of Australia words of relationship are found, evidently indigenous, and yet quite as evidently connected with similar words of relationship in India? Have they sprung up both here and there by spontaneous generation, and so much alike? And yet, our blacks cannot have had contact with India for more than two thousand years past. It must be that the ancestors of our aborigines were once in India, where, as I have stated, these words belong to the earliest native races, and these are known to be physically akin to our blacks; indeed, from cranial and skeletal considerations alone, the late Professor Huxley put the Dravidian black races of southern India and the Australians in one and the same class, which he called the Australoid.

Now for the proof; I first go to Lake Eyre, in the very heart of the Australian continent—certainly far enough removed from Malaydom, to prevent any suspicion of borrowing. Among the tribes clustering around that lake one of the chief is the Diyéri, which, on the testimony of Mr. Howitt, who knows them well, I am quite safe in declaring to be truly Australian. For ‘a mother's brother’ they say kaka,2 with which compare the Vayu kuku, ‘a maternal uncle’; the Hindustani kākā, ‘an elder brother,’ kaki, ‘a maternal aunt’; Marathi kaka, ‘a paternal uncle,’ as well as other words already quoted. The Diyéri also say kaku to mean ‘an elder sister,’ and under this they include ‘a father's brother's daughter’ and ‘a mother's sister's daughter,’ but with them kami is ‘a father's sister's son,’ and when it is a female that uses the word, kanini is ‘a daughter's son’ or ‘a sister's daughter's son’; the Diyéri further say kareti for ‘a wife's brother,’ and (when a male speaks) ‘a sister's husband,’ while kamari is ‘a husband's sister’ and (a female speaking) ‘a brother's wife.’ In the same region of Australia and around Mt. Howitt, on the upper - 5 Barcoo River, is a tribe called the Kunandaburi; they say karugaja to mean ‘a daughter's husband’ (a female speaking), and karaugi, ‘an elder sister,’ in the same wide sense as the Diyéri term kaku. The Theddora tribe on Lake Omeo, in eastern Victoria, say kaki for the Diyéri kaku, and kamutch for kami. On the south-east coast of New South Wales is a tribe which seems to have no collective name for itself, but to which I have elsewhere given the name of Murring-jari, from murring, their word for ‘men.’ They use kabo to mean ‘a wife's brother,’ or 3 (m) ‘a sister's husband,’ and karembari, ‘a husband's sister,’ (f) ‘a brother's wife.’ For kabo the Chepara tribe, on the Tweed River between Queensland and New South Wales, say kabu-kări; for ‘sister's son’ (m) they say kanie, and for (f) ‘son's wife,’ (f) ‘husband's mother,’ kamingŭn. On the lower Murray River are the Watu-watu, who say tati (for kati), ‘younger brother,’ and also the Wonghi tribe who put kaka for ‘elder brother or sister,’ and kati, ‘younger brother or sister’; at Wentworth, near the junction of the Murray and the Darling Rivers, kayūga. is ‘an elder brother.’ In Victoria, kaki is ‘a mother's sister’ (Gournditch tribe in the west), and kakai is ‘father's sister's son’ (Woey-worung tribe, Melbourne). The Ngarego tribe, in eastern Victoria and the south of New South Wales, has kaping to mean ‘a mother's mother’ or ‘a mother's mother's sister.4

Other examples in Australia also which I have collected have still the same root syllable ka as in India, but my authorities do not distinguish the exact relationship; that is, they say ‘uncle,’ but do not say whether it is a maternal or a paternal uncle that is meant. Thus, in West Australia we have kangan, ‘uncle’; at Yancannia, on the middle Darling River, kakuja ‘cousin,’ (with which compare the Diyéri kaku), in the west of Victoria chachee is ‘sister,’ and kukur minjer is said to mean ‘first great-great-grandfather’; on the Manning River, on the east coast of New South Wales, kandu is ‘uncle,’ and kalang is ‘husband’; the Wiradjari at Wellington, in the heart of New South Wales, say kagang ‘brother,’ and north of them the Wailwun say kaka, ‘brother,’ kati, ‘sister,’ kani, ‘uncle’; on the Richmond River, in the north-east of New South Wales, kagang is ‘first-born brother,’ and kang is ‘uncle’; kan is ‘cousin’ on the Macleay River.

Anyone who will take the trouble to look through the vocabularies in Curr's volumes on ‘An Australian Race,’ will find numerous other examples of the same words from Queensland and all the colonies. In fact, in 120 localities along all the coasts and throughout the - 6 interior of this continent, these vocabularies show from 40 to 50 varieties of words of relationship, all formed from the same root ka.

Here let us for a moment examine the field over which we have passed. We find the monosyllable ka spread over the whole field. Now, we know that human speech is founded on monosyllables, for they lie at the base of all languages, and language grows by reduplicating the monosyllable or by adding on other syllables to it. In this field the growth of the root word ka has not been polysynthetic, as in the American languages, but entirely terminational, and the endings added on to ka show little variety in the Indian languages, but much more variety in Australia and Melanesia. And it is further noticeable that the Melanesian languages of Fiji, Epi, Duke of York Island, and the Papuan Islands in Torres' Straits, preserve that root in its simplest form, ka or kai, and that on the mainland Chitral alone, in the Hindu Kush, has the form kai. I observe also that the Fiji and Tukiok languages alone preserve what I conceive to be the bare original meaning of this syllable, which is ‘with,’ ‘a couple’; and from this idea Fiji gets ka-sa, ‘a companion,’ Tukiok ka-tai, kaka-ga, ‘twins,’ and the Torresians kai-meg, ‘a comrade.’ In all these words there is no trace of relationship; for they belong to a very early stage of language—the same which gives the prepositional word ka, ‘with,’ ‘together with,’ as in Latin, co-ire, vobis-cum, Greek άμα, Sanskrit sa, sam, where the s stands for an older k. I think that the development of ‘together with’ into the idea of relationship would first appear in such a word as the Chitrali kai, ‘a sister,’ the Epi ko, ‘a brother's sister, a sister's brother.’5 Such words would thus denote primarily “the brothers and sisters in a family who came closest by birth and are most ‘together’ in their youth.” Then the principle of atavism, which the ancients noticed as readily as we do, would apply them to those family relations with whom individuals are most closely connected physically and otherwise; this natural step outwards brings us to ‘a grandfather’ as in Lat. avus for ka-vus; ‘a maternal uncle’ as in Pers. kha-lu; ‘a paternal uncle’ as in Lat. a-vunculus; ‘a husband's sister’ as in Gr. γα-λ-ως and Australian ka-bo. The next step would be to apply these terms to remoter relatives whom choice or sentiment led men to regard as nearer and dearer than any other (as a companion, or a protector, or those protected); here would come in the cousin, male - 7 or female, the nephew or grandson, and even an ancestor. I think that in this way these terms of relationship have sprung from the root ka, and that the underlying idea in them all is that of ‘kindred,’ ‘closeness,’ ‘nearness’—an idea which also finds expression in the Latin term for ‘relations,’ propinqui, that is, ‘those near.’ Hence it follows that, as the root ka conveys a very general idea, the derivatives from it may be applied—even the same word—to different relations in life. Thus, in the Panjabi of India kaka is ‘an elder brother,’ but in Marathi kaka is ‘a paternal uncle,’ while in Samoa 'a'a (that is kaka) means only ‘family relations.’ Therefore, I do not think that ethnologists are justified in saying, as they frequently do, that native tribes regard a father's or mother's brother as an elder brother. To my mind, the evidence of the terms used here only shows that the parties so named are regarded merely as ‘near of kin,’ and it is scarcely possible to suppose that a man would look on his aged and venerable grandfather (kai-med) as merely an elder brother, especially among tribes so reverent and respectful to age as are the Australians.

I now write out in a combined form all the derivatives of this root ka which I have collected, and for the sake of conciseness I indicate the localities where they are used by numbers; thus 1. is Aryan, in India and Europe; 2. Pre-Aryan, in India; 3. Indonesian; 4. Melanesian (general) and Melanesian (special); 5. Torres Straits; 6. Ep-Island (New Hebrides); 7. Fiji; 8. Tukiok, that is Duke of York Island, in the Bismark Archipelago; 9. New Britain, ibidem; while 10. is Polynesian, and 11. is Australian.

Brother (elder).—1, kaka; 2, kako; 3, kaka, kakang; 4, kaka, -hana; 5, kui; 7, -ka; 10, kana; 11, kaka, kakang, kayūga. A man's brother.—5, kai. A woman's brother.—6, ko; 10, -gane. Brother (not defined).—1, kasis; 11, kukka. A brother's wife.—kamari.

Sister (elder).—2, kaki; 4, kaka, kana; 11, kaku, kamuj, karangi. A man's sister.—6, ko. A woman's sister.—5, kai; 10, ka, kana, gane. Sister (undefined).—1, kasis; 2, kai; 11, chachee, kati. A sister's husband.—1, galos. A sister's son.—11, kanie. A sister's daughter's son.—11, kanini.

Uncle (paternal).—1, kaka. Uncle (maternal).—1, khal; 2, kuku; 11, kaka. Uncle (undefined).—10, (matua)-keke; 11, kangan, kandu, kani.

Grandfather.—1, kokuai (plural); 2, kiki; 5, kai; 10, kui. Grandson.—2, chacha.

Mother's mother.—11, kaping. Mother's sister.— 11, kaki. Mother's mother's sister.—11, kaping.

Father's sister's son.—11, kami, kakai.

Husband's mother.—2, kankar; 11, kamin-gun. Husband's sister.—11, kamari, karembari.

Wife's brother.—11, kareti, kabo, kabukari.

Daughter's husband.—11, karugaja. Daughter's son.—11, kamini.

Son's wife.—2, khakin; 11, kamin-gun.

Cousin (undefined).—2, kai: 11, kakuja.

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Relations of family.—10, 'a'a, i.e., kaka.

Companion.—5, kai-meg; 7, kasa; 8, taina.

With, etc. –5, kai-mil (‘with’); 7, kei, 'ai, i.e., kai; 8, kai (‘a couple’); 9, kaba (‘a number of persons together’) ‘ka’ (k)aga (‘twins’); 10, apa (i.e., kapa), ‘a number of workmen together.’

And now, if we pass this list in review, the first thing that strikes the eye is:

  • 1. The great variety of the Australian forms—25 in number—and the wide field of relationship which they cover, while the Indian and Indonesian words apply to only three relations—‘elder brother,’ ‘paternal uncle,’ ‘maternal uncle.’
  • 2. Nearly all these 25 words have terminations which are distinctly Australian, and therefore the words must have been formed from the root ka on Australian soil.
  • 3. This variety in Australia, contrasted with the paucity of the Indian forms, seems to prove that the ancestors of the Australian race must have left India before ka was developed there into kaka; for, if they had gone forth later, kaka would have been the stereotyped root-form for the Australian terminations to be added to. But on the other hand the presence of the forms kaka, kaku, kaki in Australia and Oceania as well as in India may be a proof that a second and late stream of immigrants brought these from India. Other considerations, apart from language, make it probable that at least two streams of blacks came into Australia in succession.
  • 4. The simplest forms and the simplest meanings of the root ka occur in Fiji (kai, kei), in Torres' Straits (kai, kui), in Duke of York Island (kai), in Tonga and some remote islands of eastern Polynesia (kui), in Epi (ko), and perhaps in the Australian tribal suffix (-kal, -gal-ang). This fact would mean that these regions received the first and earliest portions of the inflowing tide of negroid people. The kai of the Hindu Kush plateau is probably a survival from the earliest population there, for the Chitrali dialect is now mostly Aryan.
  • 5. I have already expressed my belief that ka, the root of all these words, is the same as the Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit word for ‘with.’ In this connection I may now mention that the ceremonial language of Java uses kaleh, ‘with,’ as an affix to the numeral ‘two.’ This kaleh must be of the same origin as the Melanesian kai, and therefore belongs to the language of the pre-Aryan black aborigines of that island.

The Greek κασις (for kaki-s?) also comes near to the root; and here Polynesia throws some light on the Greek language, for Curtius and other Greek etymologists are puzzled to find the origin of κασις. Its connection with the words now under question is made the more - 9 probable, because it has the same variableness of meaning as we see in the Australian and Melanesian words; and γαλως is either viri soror or fratris uxor.

The Papuan islands in Torres' Straits also come near the root by kai-meg, ‘a cousin,’ ‘a comrade,’ and the Ebudans by ko, kave. The Tongan kui, ‘grandparents,’ and the Paumotan kui, ‘an ancestor,’ also belong to this.

That root ka has been very prolific of derivatives in many directions, and, as usual, some of the new forms retain the simple meaning of the root, while others have been specialized and applied to definite relationships in life. For example, ka with the syllable ra added to it becomes kara, which in Urdu, the courtly language of modern Hindustan, appears in the words kara'in, ‘connections,’ and karib, ‘near’ (cf. Lat. propinquus), but the Sanskrit form is chara, ‘a companion, a wife,’ where the root-meaning of ka ‘with, together with’ is clearly shown. This same word kara in the sense of ‘relationship’ has a place in the islands of the New Hebrides; for, on Epi, kara-ma is ‘a paternal uncle,’ kara-a is ‘a maternal or paternal grandmother’; kurua is (m) ‘a brother,’ kulue is (f) ‘a sister’; on Malo and Efate, gore is ‘a cousin,’ and gore-na is (m) ‘a sister’ or (f) a ‘brother.’

I have already said that the Vedic sa-m ‘with,’ is the Latin cum, the s being used for an earlier k; so also the Sanskrit saha may be for saka, for the Maithili dialect of Behar still says saka-la, ‘all’ (in the sense of ‘conjunction’ with); sanga, a ‘companion’; and sama-dhi, ‘a relation.’ Now, an exact equivalent to saha in form and meaning is the Samoan soa (for soha) ‘a companion, the second of a pair, a mate;’ and in the language of Futuna of the New Hebrides—which is a Polynesian, not a Melanesian, dialect—soa is the word for ‘man and wife,’ and in Epi (Melanesian) of the same group, koa is ‘husband or wife,’ and so is ohoa in another dialect of the same island, while ko is (m) ‘a sister,’ or (f) a ‘brother’ and koalo is ‘man and wife,’ that is a ‘pair,’ while ko-vivine, that is, a ‘female-companion ’ is ‘a sister’; with which compare Maori ko-hine, ‘a girl.’ In Maori hoa is ‘an associate,’ ‘a husband or wife,’ originally ‘a companion.’

From these examples, I perceive that the more a dialect adheres to its black ancestry, the more likely is the original guthural k to appear in its words. Thus also, the Fijian has ka-sa, ‘a fellow, a companion,’ rather than any forms from the root sa. Aneityum also (Melanesian) preserves the form kai, which we found among the Papuans of Torres' Straits to mean ‘together with’ for a-kai-na-ga in Aneityumese means ‘engaged, connected as cousins’ (said of males); Efatese has na-kai-na-ga, ‘a tribe, a collection of things of the same kind’; even the Polynesian Maori has kai-nga ‘a collection of individuals,’ which in - 10 Samoan is (k)ai-nga ‘relations, a family.’6 In Japanese kai-sha is ‘a company.’ In Malekulan, hason (for kason) is ‘a wife.’

In Samoan, the conjunction ma ‘and,’ is also the preposition ‘with ’; and so it may be that the Greek και and the Latin ac (for ka) and the enclitic suffix ue all come from our root ka ‘with.’ Certainly in the Latin phrase cum—tum, equivalent to et—et, the cum is used as a conjunction, and not in its prepositional sense. The Latin prefix co (as in co-ire) is nearer to ka than to cum. The use of the conjunctions is to ‘couple’ two statements ‘together’ in a sentence, and that is also the meaning of ‘with.’ In Fijian, ka, kai, kei are ‘and,’ ‘with.’

6. The Samoan, and other Polynesians are said to be of Malay origin because a hundred or so of the simple words in their language are like similar words in the Malay; but the discovery I have made that the words kaka, kaku, kaki exist among true Australians in the very heart of our continent is, I think, of itself sufficient to disprove that Malayo-Polynesian theory; for kaka, kaku are certainly the Malay and Indonesian words kaka, kakang, kakak ‘elder brother,’ and, therefore, by parity of reasoning, these Australian tribes are also Malays, which is absurd. These correspondences of language can be explained only by the evidence now constantly accumulating that the earliest stratum of population in south-eastern Asia, and in all the adjacent islands, and far east into the Pacific Ocean, was negroid and of the same stock as the present Australians and Melanesians. Then, I infer, that the next stratum of population was a fairer people of Caucasian race; settling in the islands they became incorporated with the black tribes, especially on the coast, and adopted a portion of their language; this mixture produced the ancestors of the present brown natives of eastern Polynesia. These again were driven forth into the isles of the Pacific by the arrival in Indonesia of a race of Mongolian origin—the Malays. Malays have never been slow to take up the customs and language of those among whom they live; and thus I account for the fact that in the present Malayan speech there are some words quite the same as in Australia and Polynesia. The Malays are the borrowers. This view of the question also shows how it is that many root-words are found to be the same all over Oceania. The blacks in Indonesia and in Melanesia had them first; the ancestors of the present brown Polynesians got them from the blacks in Indonesia and carried them far afield with them into the islands of the eastern Pacific; and the Malays too adopted them when they came into Indonesia. In past - 11 years I have carefully examined many of the essential words in the Australian dialects (see my book entitled ‘An Australian Language’) and I find them formed from the same roots as occur in Melanesia and Polynesia.

7. This discovery of these words in the Australian dialects also supports the arguments from history which I have elsewhere given in the Journal of The Victoria Institute, London—that our Australians are sprung from the ‘Eastern Ethiopians,’ of Herodotus, who says of the army of Xerxes: “The Ethiopians from the sunrise (for two kinds served in the expedition) were marshalled with the Indians, and did not at all differ from the others in appearance, but only in their language and their hair. For the eastern Ethiopians are straight-haired, but those of Libya have hair more curly than that of any other people. These Ethiopians from Asia were accoutred almost the same as the Indians” (Hero. VII. 30).

The fact also that I have found these same words of relationship to be used in all parts of Australia proves that the people there are homogeneous and their dialects homogeneous.

The force of the present linguistic argument may be shown in a condensed form, thus:—

Diyeri (Australian).
Mother's brother or father's sister's husband kaka
Father's brother's daughter kaku
Father's sister's child or mother's brother's child kami
Elder sister kaku
An elder brother kakak
Samoa—A man's brother, a woman's sister tua-(k)a
” Family relations (for kaka) 'a'a
Maori—An uncle matua-keke
” An elder brother, an elder sister tua-kana
NEW GUINEA (Papuan).
Geelwink Bay (N.W. coast).—An uncle kaki
Motu and S. coast.—An elder brother 'a'ana, kakana
Torres' Straits.—A man's brother, a woman's sister kai-mer
An elder brother, a paternal uncle kaka
Maternal uncle kuku
Grandfather kiki
Grandson chacha
Sister kai

Here we have the same words used on the heights of the Himalayas and in the heart of the continent of Australia. Is it possible that the Malays sent these words into so diverse regions of the earth? No; - 12 the Malays borrowed them when they came into Indonesia, which was then occupied by races that had once been in India. To the same effect is the evidence of other words from Australia and India. One tribe in South Australia says kutta for ‘louse.’ This is certainly the Malay, Melanesian, and Polynesian word kutu ‘louse.’ But it was a Sanskrit and Pali word before it became Malay; and the non-Aryan aborigines of Bhutan in the Himalayas also say khit for ‘louse.’ Similarly the standard Australian word for ‘foot’ is din-na. But some of the Naga tribes on the north-east frontier of India and the people of Laos and of Siam to the south of them also say tin for ‘foot.’ The non-Aryan tribes of the Himalayas say mi, mé for ‘fire’; me'k, mik, mok, ‘eye,’ which are certainly the same root-words as the common Australian mi-bara, mil, ‘eye,’ and wi, ‘fire.’

How are all these facts to be accounted for? By confessing that the ancestors of the present Australians, Melanesians, and Polynesians passed through India before they came to occupy their present seats.

These non-Aryan tribes that I have mentioned are interesting, for they are the scattered remains of the earliest population of India. In hair and features they often remind one of the negroid people of other lands. All ethnologists are agreed that the first comers into the Indian peninsula were of the black race, and they probably came in two successive streams—first the Hamites, then the Kushites. When the Aryans subsequently entered the country from the north-west, and spread down the valley of the Ganges, those of the black tribes that did not amalgamate with the invaders spread themselves northwards into the Himalaya slopes, and southwards into and beyond the Vindhya mountains. Thus it is that these Himalaya non-Aryan tribes retain still many words which must have belonged to the languages of the aboriginal blacks of India, although they have also, in the course of time, adopted many words from the Sanskrit-speaking Aryans. If there is any Shemitic element at all in the speech of Oceania—and that is doubtful—it must have been brought in by these blacks.

And to show how important these non-Aryan languages are, I will now give shortly a few comparisons between them and Oceanic words; (1) is the Maithili language in Northern Behar in the corner formed by the junction of the Brahmaputra and the Ganges; this I have culled from the Journals of the Asiatic Society of Bengal; to the north of Behar among the mountains are the native states of Bhutan and Sikim, and in them are the (2) Kocch, (3) the Bodo, and (4) the Dhimal; eastwards from them are (5) the Naga tribes with a Mongolian element; and to the westward in Nepal are (6) broken non-Aryan tribes, bearing various names. Vocabularies of the speech of these - 13 tribes here numbered 2 to 6, are given in “Hodgson's Essays on Oriental Subjects.” From them I am enabled to make some comparisons, thus:—

Woman.—1, bhabini, ‘wife’; 4, mahani, ‘female’ (as a prefix); 6, baigini, ‘woman.’ Cf. Malay, bini, ‘wife’; Indonesian, babineh, mahina, mapin, ‘wife’; Oceanic, fafine, vihin, haine, fine,-hine, ‘woman.’
Sleep (to).—1, suta-b; 2, suti-bar; 6, sôt-uk, sôt. Cf. ma-huta (the Motu of New Guinea).
Rain.—4, wai. Cf. Oceanic, vai, wai, ‘water.’
Fish.—2, macha; 6, machha. Cf. Malay, ikan (for vikan?); Admiralty Islands, uke (for vuke?); Vanikoro Island, na-mok, no-mu (where the na is an article-prefix); Australian, makoro; Sanskrit, muka, ‘fish’; aborigines of Central India, haku.
Stone.—4, pathar. Cf. Malay, batu; Oceanic, fatu.
Face.—2, mukh. Cf. Malay, mūka, ‘face’; Maldive, munu, ‘face’; Dravidian, mun, ‘before’; Amboyna, uwaka, ‘face’; Pamir, môk, ‘forehead.’
Hand.—2, hath; 6, hát, bhit; gót, ‘hand and forearm’; 5, kha. Cf. Papuan of Torres' Straits, getö; Pali, hattho, ‘hand,’ mutthi, ‘fist’; Ceylon, ata, ‘hand’; Australian, muttara, ‘hand and fore-arm’; Fiji, getegete (ni liga), ‘hand.’
Land.—1, bádha, ‘lands surrounding a village’; 4, bhan-oi, ‘earth,’ ‘land,’ ‘soil.’ Cf. Oceanic fan-ua, ‘land.’ The Maithili often adds ua to a root-word, as ghar, ghar-ua.
House.—5, ham, hum; 6, kim, kyim, tim. Cf. Burmese, im; New Hebrides, im, ima, yum, yimo, n-eom.
Flower.—6, phung. Cf. Malay, būnga; Samoan, fūnga.
Child.—6, ta-wa (ta-wo), ‘boy,’ ta-mi, ‘girl,’ ‘daughter. Cf. Samoan, ta-ma, ‘boy’; Oceanic, ta, tamata, tagata, kanaka, ‘man, mankind.’ For the generic term ‘children ’ the Nepalese tribes say tamitawa, ‘girl-boy’; with that compare the Samoan invented term for ‘cattle,’ bulli-ma-kau, ‘bull-and-cow.’
Dog.—6, uri. Cf. the Pamirian kuri and Oceanic kuri.

It is clear that many of the mountain words in this list are purely aboriginal; it is also clear that neither the Australians nor the Malays, nor the Melanesians, nor the Polynesians can have carried them back to India and up the slopes of the Himalayas and planted them there. There remains, therefore, only one possible explanation—that the ancestors of these races were once in contact with the aboriginals of India and brought the language with them when they came forth into Indonesia and Oceania.

Let me close with one word from a physical standpoint. Here is the verdict of a German naturalist on the race differences of the Malay and the Polynesian:—

Malay.—1, zygomatic bones—small; 2, base length—very constant, 96 to 98 millimetres; 3, height—equal and constant; 4, roof—usually flat; 5, false prognathism.
Polynesian.—1, zygomatic bones—great breadth; 2, base length—long and very narrow; 3, height—moderate; 4, Polynesian skulls viewed in profile are - 14 arched; viewed in front they are roof-shaped, and are always heavy and massive as compared with the thin Malay skulls.
‘The Malay and Polynesian are thus separated by cranial formation.’

Everyone knows the value of craniometry as a test of race, and the result of that test here establishes essential differences.

Then as to race characters; take Wallace's description of the Malay and contrast it with that of a Maori or a Samoan: ‘The Malay,’ he says, ‘is naturally easy-going and indolent; he is reserved, diffident, and shy; he shows no astonishment, surprise, or fear; he is slow and deliberate of speech; the Malay is timid; when alone, he is gloomy and taciturn, never singing or talking to himself; yet he has the most pitiless cruelty and contempt of human life.’

Does that character fit the brown Polynesian?

1  Those words are interesting as coming from the Chitral and Gilgit regions in which British troops were lately operating.
2  Kaka, kaku, kaki. This looks like an instance of sex-distinction in Australian grammar.
3  (m) means when a male is speaking; (f), when a female is speaking.
4  For all the foregoing examples I am indebted to Mr. Howitt.
5  On the evidence of their daily speech, I imagine that some of these Oceanic people saw a special ‘nearness’ of relationship between a brother and a sister; whether a physical or a spiritual connection I cannot at present tell. The practice of convade elsewhere shows a belief in a physical union of father and child. In Samoa, when a high-chief fell ill, a sister's curse was at once suspected to be the cause, and she had to exonerate herself. A sister's curse was supposed to be very potent.
6  We scarcely agree with Dr. Fraser, that Kainga in Maori, means a “collection of individuals,” except in the sense that a ‘village’ is one. Kainga, means rather a place where food is eaten, or where fires are lit, and it is the usual term for a village, a home not fortified.—Editor's.