Volume 8 1899 > Volume 8, No. 4, December 1899 > Wars of the northern against the southern tribes of New Zealand in the nineteenth century: Part II, by S. Percy Smith, p201-230
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Early Northern Expeditions to the South.

IN the first part of this paper (see this “Journal,” vol. viii, p. 141) a sketch of the doings of the Ngati-Whatua and Nga-Puhi tribes during the early years of the nineteenth century was given, and brought down to 1813. But it will now be necessary to go back for a few years to notice some events that had a great influence on the latter of the two tribes, indeed, on all New Zealand in the end, but Nga-Puhi was the first affected. This was because the Bay of Islands presented a safe harbour for the vessels of the whaling fleet, where they could secure abundant refreshments in the shape of kumaras, taros, potatoes and pigs.

First, it will be necessary to call attention to an event that occurred outside New Zealand altogether, but the consequences of which were very momentuous to the Maoris.

In the year 1806, the “Venus” brig was taken at Port Dalrymple in Van Dieman's Land, by convicts. They brought her to New Zealand, where, at the North Cape, they took away two women. Calling at the Bay of Islands, they took some more women away, one of whom was a sister of Te Morenga's,1 and another a relative of - 202 Hougi's. At Whangarei, again they took two women away, one of whom was a neice of Te Morenga's. We shall see later on what these abductions led to. From Whangarei the brig went up the Hauraki Gulf, and whilst there her crew captured several people, and amongst them the principal chief of Ngati-Paoa—Te Haupa. As the vessel put to sea she was followed by a canoe, and Te Haupa, watching his opportunity, jumped overboard, where he was picked up by the crew of the canoe, and thus escaped to obtain some utu for the unfortunates taken away by the brig. Most of these people were landed at or near the East Cape, where, after a time, Ngati-Porou killed and ate them. Te Morenga's neice, whose name was, I believe, Tawaputa, was killed at Tauranga by Te Waru, of the Ngai-Te-Rangi tribe. This death also, as we shall see, led to some momentuous results. Unfortunately for the ends of justice, the originators of all this villainy escaped punishment—at anyrate, at the hands of the Maoris.

In 1809 the “Boyd” was taken at Whangaroa by Te Puhi, Tara (George) and others of the Ngati-Pou tribe.


The probable date of the second great epidemic amongst the Maoris. This date seems probable from the following:—In the “Missionary Register,” for 1817, page 71, is given a brief account of the life of a Nga-Puhi Maori named Maui, edited by the Rev Basil Woodd, and written by Maui himself, who could both speak and write English well. Maui was born about 1796, and was a relative of Tara's, of Kororareka. About 1806 a native visited New South Wales, and on his return related the wonders he had seen, which so fired Maui's ambition that he took the first opportunity of making a voyage to see other lands. This he managed soon after, when two whalers arrived at the Bay. In one of these Maui embarked. This was the last time Maui saw his parents, for shortly after a fatal epidemic was brought from a distant part of the island, and great numbers of the Maoris perished, amongst them Maui's parents. From the Bay the vessels went to Norfolk Island, where Maui was taken in charge by a Mr. Drummond, who gave him a year at school. Shortly after this, Mr. Drummond and family removed to Port Jackson, taking Maui with them. This was in February, 1812. Maui was afterwards with the Rev. S. Marsden, where he met Mr. Kendall (who reached Sydney 31st May, 1813). Maui came to New Zealand with Marsden in November, 1814, and remained for a time at his home, Kawakawa, but subsequently left in the whaler “Jefferson,” and arrived in England in May, 1816. He died there 28th December, 1816. Calculating back from February, 1812, the date of this epidemic - 203 would be about 1810. This was not, however, the great epidemic known as “Te-upoko-o-te-rewharewha,” which occurred earlier—it is said in 1790. One of the Nga-Puhi accounts of their expedition to the South, under Patu-one and Tuwhare, says that they learnt from their prisoners that they were attacked by the epidemic at the same time that the ship of Rongo-tute was wrecked at Wairarapa, when they killed and ate the crew.

The mystery which surrounds this ship, commanded, as the native traditions say, by Rongo-tute, has never been cleared up. There is more than one tradition about it, the main facts of which are—that the vessel was wrecked, and all the crew killed and eaten. The locality of this catastrophe is sometimes given as Queen Charlotte Sound, at the north end of the Middle Island, sometimes at Palliser Bay, Wairarapa. The following quotation from the voyage of the “Coquille,” vol. iv., p. 64, may perhaps throw some light on the story:—“It is said that a Scotch gentleman, who was inflamed with the idea of civilising the New Zealanders, embarked in 1782, with sixty people, and all kinds of indispensable articles for cultivating the soil; his project being to establish himself on the banks of the River Thames, or in Mercury Bay, and to teach the natives the art of cultivation, but no news has ever been heard of him since he sailed.” This was written in 1825.

I know not on what authority the date of the great epidemic is fixed at 1790; but it seems to me it might be any date within ten years of that time, and quite possibly as early as 1782 or 1783.

The First Northern Expeditions to the South.

So far as can be learnt from the native histories, it was not until about the commencement of the nineteenth century that the tribes living north of the isthmus of Auckland began to extend their war-like enterprises to the southern parts of the island. As already pointed out, the advent of the Pakeha—though not for some time yet to materially influence the character of these expeditions by the introduction of new arms—seems to have given a great impulse to the feeling of unrest which set in about that time. The immediate causes of many of the great expeditions we shall have to refer to are now lost in the darkness of the past. With regard to those which followed the west coast of the North Island, a desire to exchange the weapons of the north for the fine mats of Taranaki is alleged to be one of these causes. The mere desire of man-slaying was another. But even in this, the Maoris generally sought some take, some cause, which would justify their conduct. Hence we find it stated in the - 204 Maori narrative of a Nga-Puhi expedition to Taranaki prior to that of Tuwhare and Patu-one in 1819–20, that being in sore straits on one occasion, surrounded by their foes of Taranaki, a council of the northern chiefs was held to consider what take they had, to engender a feeling of justification for the coming battle. What the conclusion come to by the council was, we are left in doubt, but the handful of men engaged in that combat felt themselves so strengthened, that they set to joyously, and defeated their enemies with considerable slaughter. That such a council was held is proof that the old Maori had some sort of belief in the strength of a just cause.

The earliest record of any of these northern expeditions along the West Coast—I exclude those from Waikato or adjacent parts—that I am aware of, relates to two Ngati-Whatua raids on Taranaki, under the leadership of their great warrior, Muru-paenga, already referred to as their leader in the battle of Moremo-nui. From knowing the age of Muru-paenga in 1820, when Marsden met him, and from other circumstances, I am inclined to place these events between 1810 and 1815. Beyond the mere fact of there having been such expeditions we know little. Paora Kawharu of Ngati-Whatua cannot tell me any detail, but knows that Muru-paenga did make such expeditions. Our fellow member, Mr. W. H. Skinner, has been able to rescue from oblivion a little of the detail, which it is hoped may appear later on.

The next expedition from the north to the west coast of which a slight notice can be given, was that of Nga-Puhi under Tau-kawau. This party fought its way through the country of Te Ati-Awa and Taranaki as far as Puara-te-rangi, a pa situated inland of Punehu, not far from the present town of Manaia. Here the Nga-Puhi host suffered a defeat, and lost their chief Tau-kawau, who was killed by Tamaroa. The latter carried a weapon called a pou-whenua, made of hard maire wood; with this, by a well-directed blow, he broke both Tau-kawau's legs, after which he was easily despatched. Prior to this Tau-kawau had killed the Taranaki chief Mokowera, whom he shot. This shows that firearms were at that time in possession of Nga-Puhi. My informant—Tutange Waionui, of Nga-Rauru—states this event occurred one or two years before Tu-whare's expedition; it would, therefore, be about 1816 or 1817. The Nga-Puhi taua returned home from Punehu. In the Maori account of the Tu-whare—Patu-one expedition there are references to a previous one, in which Pangari, of Hokianga, took part. This was probably Tau-kawau's ope. Some account of the expedition of Tu-whare and Patu-one will be given on a subsequent page.

The tangi for Mokowera will be found in “Nga Moteatea,” p. 383, in which it is said that he was killed by Rewa, a well-known Nga-Puhi chief. It is as follows:

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Taku hou kotuku! Alas, my heron plume!
Ka whati i te ra, That perished on the day,
Moenga rangatira At the fatal sleep of chiefs
Ki runga o Puara-te-rangi, Above at Puara-te-rangi,
'A kai atu au, Would that I could take revenge,
I te tangata toro, On the people from afar,
Ara taku kai, ko Rewa, Rewa should be my food,
Nana koe, E hoa! Through whom, O Friend!
I mate ai. Thou died.
Ka kai Tu, The war-god Tu should feast,
Ka kai Rangi The Heavens should consume,
Ka kai Uenuku, e—i. And also Uenuku—

Uenuku was one of the great man-consuming, or war-gods of Taranaki, by some member of which tribe was this lament composed.

Of the northern expeditions by the east coast, several will have to be referred to at greater length shortly, but I put together here a few notices that I have been able to abstract from the “Missionary Register,” and from Maori sources, which go to show that during the early years of the nineteenth century such expeditions were very common, and sometimes conducted on a considerable scale.

Korokoro, the well-known chief of Paroa, Bay of Islands, who resided with Marsden at Paramatta for some time in 1814, told the latter that he had been engaged in several lengthy voyages along the east coast, and in one of which he went as far as the South Cape, where they found the weather very cold with much hail and snow. They were away four months, and trading was the object. This must be the south end of the North Island, not of the South Island, for I believe Nga-Puhi never crossed Cook's Straits.

In March, 1815, Marsden, on his return from his first visit to New Zealand, called in at the North Cape, where he found a Tahitian named Jem, who had lived with him at Paramatta some years previously, and who could talk English very well. Jem mentioned to Marsden that during the five years previous to that time he had accompanied four different expeditions to make war on the people of the East Cape,2 each consisting of about 1000 men. The people Jem was living with were the Aupouri tribe, and these expeditions must have occurred between 1810 and 1815.

When Mr. Kendall was at the Bay on his first visit in 1814—to ascertain the possibility of establishing a mission amongst the Maoris, for which purpose he had been sent by the Rev. Samuel Marsden—he mentions that on July 17th, 1814, he witnessed the return of two of Tui's brothers (and consequently brothers of Korokoro) from a “distant part” of New Zealand, where they had been on a trading voyage.

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In July, 1815, on his first visit, Marsden. whilst anchored in the brig “Active” off Whakatiwai, Hauraki Gulf, saw a number of canoes together with a great many people camped near there, and, on enquiry, he ascertained that this was an expedition on its way to the East Cape to make war against the people there, and that it was composed of people from the west coast, who had hauled their canoes overland to the Gulf. Marsden was anxious to visit a people who were capable of undertaking such an enterprise, but on the advice of Te Morenga refrained from doing so. Probably these were some of the Manukau or lower Waikato people, or, indeed, they may have been Ngati-Whatua, for they sometimes dragged their canoes overland from the head of the Kumeu Stream into the Wai-te-mata in former days. I do not know of any Ngati-Whatua expedition to the east coast of that date however, unless it may be one which will be referred to later on, when that tribe and others took Te Roto-a-Tara pa in Hawke's Bay. On the 10th May, 1815, Mr. Kendall records the fact that he was visited by Te Puhi and Tara, of Whangaroa (both had been concerned in the taking of the “Boyd in 1809). They had just returned from a five months' cruise along the east coast, making war with the people, and there were a number of their tribe, Ngati-Pou, with them then on their return to Whangaroa. Tara (George) said they had killed many of their enemies, but brought back no heads. Hongi and his brother, Kaingaroa, met the ope as it returned. Hine-mati-oro3 is mentioned by Kendall as a great “Queen” living on the East Coast at that time, So far as I am aware none of the Maori accounts of these expeditions have been preserved.

Nearly the whole, if not all, of these northern expeditions along the east coast went by water, and it was customary for quite a considerable number of canoes to take part in them. This arose from the fact that the sea on the east coast of New Zealand in the summer months was generally calm. It is called on that account Te Tai-tama-wahine. From the North Cape to the East Cape there are also numbers of harbours in which the fleets could lie in safety, and sheltered landing places also. It was not the custom to travel by night, though sometimes done, and all cooking had to be performed ashore, for the war canoes were much too tapu ever to carry cooked food in them, or, indeed, sometimes even to carry food at all. For this purpose there were canoes which acted as tenders to the others, often paddled by the women, who frequently accompanied their relations on these expeditions.

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The war-canoe of old was a fine sea-going vessel, and notwithstanding its great length in proportion to breadth, could stand very heavy seas. They were sometimes double, fastened together with cross ties, but these were rare, though Captain Cook mentions them, and it is known that the Ngai-Tahu people of the South Island used them in their war expeditions as late as 1830. They were called Taurua, unua, or unuku. Such were some of the canoes in which the ancestors of the Maoris crossed the seas from Hawaiki, the “Arawa” being specially mentioned as a Taurua. The Rev. T. G. Hammond tells me that the “Aotea” canoe, in which came the ancesters of the Patea and other Cook Straits tribes, was a Waka-ama, or canoe with an outrigger. Excepting the “Toki-a-tapiri” canoe, now in the Auckland Museum, there is probably not another specimen of the Waka-taua, or war-canoe, left in the country, and even that is not a first-class one; it is wanting in the handsomely carved rapa, or stern-post. These vessels averaged from 50 to 100 feet in length, with a width of from four to eight feet, and many would carry a hundred paddlers.

Hoani Nahe describes as follows some of the Ngati-Maru war-canoes of the early years of the nineteenth century:—“It was Ngati-Paoa and Ngati-Whanaunga who supplied the Waka-taua nunui, great war-canoes, that enabled Waikato to escape in the night” (after the battle of Tiko-rauroha); “their names were ‘Otuiti,’ ‘Okunui,’ and ‘Whenua-roa.’ These canoes were very much larger than any I ever saw. ‘Okunui’ and ‘Otuiti’ would hold five ranks of men abreast, right from the bows to the stern; a row of men on each side would paddle, whilst three others sat in the middle ready to take the places of those who became tired. ‘Whenua-roa’ was not so large; only three men could sit abreast on the seats.”

A canoe was seen at the Thames some 30–40 years ago lying in the forest—never having been finished—which measured 110 feet in length, and this was the hull only, without the projecting stem and stern pieces, which in such case would not be less than 15 feet long each.

The old war-canoe was a very beautiful object. Painted red and black, with elegantly-carved head and stern pieces, the bows adorned with gracefully projecting curved rods (puhi), ornamented with tufts of white albatross feathers, and with white feathers every few feet along the battens which covered the joint where the solid hull was built up by the top boards. They were very fast, and could, in favourable weather, travel 10 miles an hour under the rhythmical dip of over a hundred paddlers. They sailed too, but not very near the wind. The sails were triangular in shape with the apex downwards; two were generally carried. The rapa, or stern-post, stood up often - 208 over 15 feet in height, and was beautifully carved in delicate spirals, besides being adorned with albatross feathers. When one thinks of the enormous labour connected with the building of one of these beautiful vessels—from the first cutting down of the majestic pine with stone axes, the subsequent hollowing out and trimming into shape, the dragging out of the forest to the water, and final carving and adornment of the whole, its numerous beautifully-made paddles—often carved—carved bailers, and other appurtenances, one cannot but have a high opinion of the industry and taste of a people who could turn out so handsome an object.

I have seen a modern and small fleet of canoes, about eight or ten in number (besides ten or twelve boats), coming down the Wairoa river, Kaipara, and a pretty sight it was; but, still, as nothing compared to the fleets of old often consisting of from 50 to 60 large war-canoes, such as frequently left the Bay in the early years of the nineteenth century bound on warlike enterprises to both north and south.

It was by the aid of these vessels that Nga-Puhi spread terror and desolation right down the east coast to Te Whanga-nui-a-Tara or Port Nicholson; they never could have done the same if their expeditions had been made overland, although the great northern expedition by the west coast under Patu-one and Tuwhare, was made without canoes for most of the way. Travelling without other roads than foot-tracks was too slow.

To each canoe there was one or more fuglemen—Kai-tuki—whose duty it was by song and action to give time to the paddlers. They stood up on the bars which served for seats, or on the long fore and aft beam which ran from stem to stern amidships, and there flourished their weapons, accompanying this by one of their canoe songs, of which there are several still preserved. The chiefs sat in the stern, and sometimes used the powerful steering-paddle, or urunga. Running fore and aft was a hurdle-like arrangement of stout manuka poles, which served as a deck, on which the paddlers placed their feet, or knelt on, which also served to keep the cargo out of the hold, or riu, in which there was always more or less water. In one or two places there was a break in this deck, where the scoop-like bailers, or tiheru, could be used.

The war-canoes were very tapu; every step in their construction was accompanied by incantations or prayers said by the priests, part of whose special functions it was to act as naval architects, and direct the whole proceedings, from the cutting down of the tree to the last finishing adornment of the vessel. In former times, in the first launching of a canoe, the skids were the living bodies of slaves. When not in use, the canoes were kept in sheds, or wharau, purposely made, - 209 and situated near the water. In “Captain Cook's Voyages” will be found a very accurate drawing of one of these old waka-taua, or war-canoes, and beautiful drawings in great detail in Mr. A. Hamilton's “Maori Art,” published by the Governors of the “New Zealand Institute.”


This history has now been brought down to a point where dates can be given of the events to follow with tolerable certainty. This is due to the fact that the year 1814 witnessed the first arrival of a class of men possessed of education, who became residents in the country, and who recorded the various events as they witnessed them. The Rev. Samuel Marsden, the principal chaplain of New South Wales, had for some years past been in the habit of sheltering various members of the Maori race who found their way to Port Jackson, and these men, whilst at his residence at Paramatta, had imbued him with the strong wish both to civilise and Christianise their fellow country-men. I am not writing the life of Marsden, and, therefore, shall say little of his objects, but as the search for dates and other information has lead me to study closely his journals, I may say, that the more I read of his doings the more impressed have I become with the nobleness of his efforts, and the wonderful success of his dealing with the Maoris.

As the works in which Marsden's doings are recorded are very scarce in this Colony, I shall not hesitate to copy a good many dates of events and other extracts which will prove of use perhaps outside the immediate object of this history. The two works in which the early years of the New Zealand Mission are most fully described are:—“The Missionary Record” and “The Missionary Register,” both of which are full of exceedingly interesting matter relating to the history of this Colony from 1814 onwards.4

The good intentions of Mr. Marsden towards the Maoris took practical shape in 1814, when he purchased the brig “Active” to keep up communication with those he proposed to send to New Zealand in order to establish the mission. It was deemed advisable to send the vessel to the Bay of Islands first, to ascertain what chances of success there were for the proposal. The Governor of New South Wales would not allow Mr. Marsden to leave, hence he sent the vessel away under the command of Captain Dillon, to convey Messrs Kendall and Hall to the Bay of Islands to make enquiries.

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The “Active” anchored off Rangihoua in the Bay on the 10th June, 1814, having on board, besides the Missionaries, “a very fine young chief, about 17 years old, who has been living some time with Mr. Kendall.” This was Tui, or Tommy Tui, or Tupaea, of whom we shall hear more than once later on. He was a younger brother of the celebrated Nga-Puhi chief Korokoro, whose residence was at Paroa, on the south side of the Bay. Mr. Kendall soon got into friendly relations with many of the well-known chiefs of Nga-Puhi, amongst whom were Kowheetee (Kawiti), Duatarra (Ruatara, whose adventures have been written by Marsden), and who, Mr. Kendall says, was chief of 400 fighting men; Way (? Te Whe) had 200 fighting men; Kainga-roa, Hongi's elder brother, 300 warriors, and Hongi, 600 warriors. On the 15th June, Kendall visited Tara, the chief of Kororareka, then about 70 years old. On the 17th June he met Whettohee (Whe-toi, also named Pomare), and Hauraki, a chief of the Kerikeri, afterwards better known as Te-Wera. On the 3rd July, Hongi, Whetoi, Kaitara and Tupe visited the ship; Tautoro died the same day.

On the 25th July, everything having gone smoothly and all promising well for the establishment of the mission, Kendall sailed for Sydney, taking with him the chiefs Hongi, Ruatara, Korokoro, Tenhahnah (which I take to be intended for Te Nganga, or, perhaps. Te Nana, mentioned later on), Punahou and Ripiro—Hongi's son, then about 15 years old. They arrived at Sydney 22nd August, 1814.

The voyage having been successful, Marsden decided to establish the mission at once, and with that object he left Sydney in the “Active,” Captain Hansen, with Messrs Kendall, Hall, and Hongi, Ruatara, Korokoro, Tui; Maui5 and Te Nganga on the 19th November, 1814. They were at the North Cape on December 15th, and anchored off Rangihoua on the 23rd December, and Marsden preached the first sermon ever heard in New Zealand on Christmas Day, surrounded by hundreds of Maori warriors.

From Rangihoua, Marsden visited Waimate, where Hongi lived, and he passed the night in a strongly-fortified pa, which I believe to be Pukenui, near there, but long since deserted. Marsden says it contained about 200 houses, and was situated on top of an almost inaccessible hill surrounded by three deep trenches and three rows of pallisades. Tareha was seen on the road.


On his return, he started from the Bay on the 9th January, 1815, for the Thames, in the “Active,” taking with him Ruatara, Korokoro, Te Rangi and Tui (Korokoro's brothers), Te Morenga (“a chief of Hikurangi, 20 miles west of Rangihoua”); Taua, son of Te - 211 Pahi (who had been shot by the whalers a few years previously for his supposed implication in the “Boyd” affair); Widoua (Wairua), a nephew of Hongi's; Tooree Oganna (Turi-a-kuna?), nephew of Te Pahi, a son of Moka of Hokianga; Hinaki, a son of Waraki of Waitangi; and some others, all fully armed.

January 16th.—The “Active” anchored off a village in the Hauraki Gulf, which, from description, must have been Whakatiwai, and where they found the celebrated Ngati-Paoa chief Te Haupa, who has already been mentioned. Marsden says, “He was a man of great power, one of the strongest and best made men I ever saw.” After attempting to get into the Thames River, which they were prevented from doing by bad weather, they, on the 17th, again anchored off another village on the west side of the Gulf, which, from the description, must have been at Orere. They were visited by Pithi (? Paetae, or Pitai), a nephew of Te Haupa's, “a stout, handsome man in the prime of life,” and well known to Te Morenga. On going ashore they were told that all the men were away on a war expedition, and none but old men, women, and some prisoners were there to receive them. They visited Te Haupa's fortified pa, situated on a hill about a mile from the landing. Here, again, there were no men, but Te Haupa's wife received them; she is described as a fine, tall woman. Mr. Nicholas, who was with Marsden, gives a full description of this pa, which, I believe, is at Orere. At Pithi's village, Marsden says he saw “some of the finest men and woman he had seen in New Zealand.” These would be some of the Ngati-Paoa tribe.

January 19th.—The brig called in at Whangarei, where the natives told them only one vessel, “The Venus” (in 1806), had ever been before. On the 20th January they visited Kereru, and saw Mohanga, who went to England with Dr. Savage in 1805. This was at Pataua, a little north of Whangarei, judging from the description. Kereru was a well-known chief of the Parawhau tribe. They got back to Rangihoua, Bay of Islands, on the 21st, and after visiting Whiwhia at Waikare, Marsden left for Sydney on the 26th February, having left Messrs Kendall and Hall and their families at Rangihoua. He took back with him Te Morenga and Tupe, a brother of the old chief Tara.

From Mr. Kendall's Journal, 1815.

On March, 31st, 1815, Kendall notes the return from the Thames (it is necessary to observe that all places south of Cape Rodney were included in the name Thames in early days) of a canoe, the crew of which had killed and eaten three men, and brought back a woman and five girls prisoners. The heads were exhibited in the usual manner.

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On April the 19th they were visited by Taparee (Te Pari), Tamoungha (Te Maunga), and Kullokullo (Karokaro?) with fourteen canoes manned by between 300 and 400 men, who came from Whangaroa. It was Te Pari who saved the women at the taking of the “Boyd” in 1809. One of these canoes was 87 feet long, and manned by 67 men. This visit of the Whangaroa people to the Bay had been rendered possible through Marsden's efforts. When he arrived on the coast on December 14th, 1814, he found Tara, Te Puhi and other chiefs of Whangaroa together with a large number of men assembled near Takou, opposite the Cavalles Islands. They had been at war with the tribes of the Bay for some years, and this war arose through the death of Te Pahi by the whalers, who, mistaken by the similarity between his name and that of Te Puhi, of Whangaroa, who was one of the principal actors in the taking of the “Boyd,” attacked Te Pahi's island pa, killed him and a number of his innocent people, in the belief that they were punishing Te Puhi for his share in the “Boyd” affair. The tribes of the Bay, to avenge these deaths, acted in true Maori fashion, and attacked the Whangaro a people, and the war lasted until Marsden's visit, when he got the chiefs of the rival parties together and made peace between them.

On the 8th May, Mr. Kendall notes that Hongi and Kaingaroa visited him at Rangihoua, and on the 17th of the same month the “Active” returned from Port Jackson, bringing back Tupe and Te Morenga. They were visited by a canoe from the Thames on the 19th, which contained several of Te Haupa's people.

On the 13th June, the brig “Trial,” Captain Howell, and the schooner “Brothers,” Captain Burnett, arrived from New South Wales on a trading expedition, and on the 11th July the “Active” sailed for Port Jackson, taking as passengers Te Koki (of Paihia), Whetoi (or Pomare), and others. Kaingaroa, Hongi's brother, died a few days previously, on which occasion Hongi attempted three times to hang himself through grief. Had he been allowed to do so, the Maoris of the south part of the island would have been spared some terrible losses. In August, Mr. Kendall visited Hauraki, Wairua, Tahoa, and Rewa, all noted chiefs living up the Kerikeri River.

On the 31st August, the “Trial” and “Brothers” returned from Mercury Bay, where both vessels had been attacked at a place they named Trial Bay on the 20th, by a large number of Maoris, and five Europeans besides, it is said, about a hundred Maoris were killed.6

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September 28th.—The “Active” again arrived from Port Jackson, leaving again on the 8th November.

October 4th.—The “Trial” sailed for Tahiti, and the “Brothers” for Port Jackson.


January 22nd, 1816.—The settlement at Rangihoua was crowded with natives from the Thames, North Cape and Whangaroa.

The rest of 1816 is a blank so far as any Native history is concerned.

In March, Tui and Titore left Port Jackson in H.M.S. “Kangaroo” for England. Marsden writes that the former had been with him at Paramatta about three years (at different times), and Titore 18 months. They were both young men, and Tui could speak English, thanks to which, Marsden was able to get much more reliable information about the natives than he otherwise would. These young chiefs were in England in 1818, and at that time Mr. Lee commenced his vocabulary, to be completed with the help of Kendall and Hongi in 1820. Tui and Titore, together with the Rev. J. Butler, Mrs. Butler, and two children, Mr. Francis Hall, and Mr. and Mrs. Kemp left England for Port Jackson on the 27th January, 1819.


In the beginning of 1817, Mr. Kendall notes that a naval expedition, under the command of Hongi, sailed from the Bay of Islands. It consisted of 30 canoes, and about 800 men. Its object was to obtain a peace with Hongi's enemies at the North Cape. The expedition, however, returned in about a fortnight, the people having quarrelled with those of Whangaroa, into which place they had put for refreshments, and being afraid, Hongi said, that the Whangaroa people would attack the settlers in his absence, he, for the present, abandoned his enterprise.

Te Morenga and Hongi's Expedition to the East Cape, 1818.

In August, 1819, Messrs Marsden and Kendall persuaded Hongi and Te Morenga to give some account of their expedition to the East Cape. It appears that they did not go together, nor did they meet on the way.

Te Morenga's fleet left first, early in January, 1818. They both had the same object in view, which was to avenge the death of some women of Nga-Puhi, who had been taken away from the Bay and Whangarei in 1806 by the brig “Venus,” and had been left amongst the Ngati-Porou people near the East Cape. One of these women was Te Morenga's sister. She was subsequently killed and eaten by the Ngati-Porou tribe. Marsden says that so soon as Te Morenga learnt this he despatched a party along the coast, with instructions to - 214 ascertain the truth of the story, and to find out the strength of the offending tribe. This party went ostensibly to barter arms for mats and other Maori valuables. They succeeded in their object, and, on their return, reported that the rumours of the death of the women were true. It was not until many years after this event that Te Morenga found himself strong enough in firearms to undertake an expedition. He then collected his forces at the Bay, to the number of 400, and started away for the east coast. On his arrival at Tauranga, Judge Gudgeon tells me, he was induced by Te-Ahi-kai-ata, of the Patu-wai tribe, whose home was at Motiti Island, to attack Te Waru's pa of Matarehua, situated on that island. This he took with considerable slaughter, and also killed Te Tawhio, an uncle, or elder relative of Te Waru's, but the latter escaped. Te Morenga would be nothing loath to join in such an attack on Te Waru, for he had the death of his neice at the hands of the latter to avenge. Te-Ahi-kai-ata's motive in this instance was to settle a fued which had existed between Te Patu-wai tribe and Te Whanau-a-Tauwhao for nearly 200 years. Matarehua, it may be observed, is said to have been the place where Ngatoro-i-rangi, the great priest of Te Arawa canoe, had his tuāhu, or altar, at which he offered up his incantation for the destruction of the fleet of Te Tini-o-Manahua, who had followed him from Hawaiki. This event is known in Maori history as “Maikuku-tea,” and it occurred about 20 generations ago. Te Tawhio was one of the principal chiefs of Ngai-Te-Rangi.

From there Te Morenga went on to the east coast, where he attacked Ngati-Porou, and took ample revenge for the death of his sister, and brought back with him two chiefs, besides others, as prisoners, and many heads, as also the spouse of the chief who had killed his sister, whom he gave to his brother to wife.7

Te Morenga returned to the Bay early in 1819. It was not until 1820 that he again went forth to avenge the death of his neice at Te Waru's hands.

Hongi left the Bay with his fleet on the 7th February, 1818, as he was not ready when Te Morenga started. His object was practically the same as Te Morenga's, for one of the women taken away by the “Venus” was a relative of his, and she had received the same fate as Te Morenga's sister. But he had an additional reason. It appears that Te Haupa of Ngati-Paoa, of the Thames, some years before this, had lost some of his people by death at the hands of either Ngati-Porou, Ngati-Tai, or Ngati-Kahungunu, of the east coast, and he had - 215 for some three years been trying to induce Hongi to make common cause with him against these people. A final embassy from Te Haupa had found Hongi engaged in a feud with the people of Waima, Hokianga, and as soon as he had settled this little difficulty he consented to aid Te Haupa. Te Haupa's emissaries in this instance were Takanini and Te Whetu. On the arrival of Hongi's contingent at the Thames, the two fleets of canoes started, the combined force numbering 900 men. They proceeded to ravage the coasts of the Bay of Plenty; those who could, escaped into the interior, abandoning their homes, but great numbers were killed, for the inhabitants of the Bay of Plenty in those days were very numerous. Many places were attacked by surprise, and the people had no time to prepare a defence; hence Hongi drove them before him. We know very few particulars of this expedition, but the Maori accounts say that Hongi appeared off Maketu, then occupied by Ngati-Pukenga, who retreated inland, where Hongi followed them and took a pa called Te Waka-tangaroa, situated some 10 miles inland of Maketu, after which he proceeded down the coast and took Marae-nui, a large and populous pa, a little to the east of Opotiki, with great slaughter. This pa belonged to Te Whanau-a-Apanui tribe. At Marae-nui, or at Tawa-Whaipata, or Kaitangata pas fell the chiefs Tu-riri and Rongo-tupu-i-te-ata, a matter to be referred to later on. These pas were taken by Hongi and his allies—the Ngati-Maru, and Ngati-Paoa, with whom where some of Ngai-Te-Rangi, of Tauranga

Hongi told Marsden that a great number of chiefs were taken on this expedition, for few of them were possessed of firearms, and could not withstand the Nga-Puhi warriors. A very large number of prisoners—it is said 2000—were brought back to the Bay, besides great numbers of the preserved heads of the slain. One canoe, which landed at Rangihoua, contained as many as 70 heads. The prisoners, amongst them several chiefs, were divided out between the families of the members of the expedition.

Hongi's expedition returned to the Bay of Islands in January, 1819.

Marsden records that in more than one place near Rangihoua be observed, stuck on poles, the preserved heads bought from the east coast. He met at Rangihoua a young woman who was one of the slaves, but married to a young chief of Nga-Puhi. She said she had been made prisoner between the Thames and the East Cape by Hongi's people, and that their village was taken by surprise; her father, mother, and seven sisters having escaped, whilst she was caught. She added that she was a neice “of Hina, a great Queen, whom I had often heard of,” says Marsden. The “great Queen” was, no doubt, - 216 Hine-mati-oro, of Tologa Bay. The cause of Hongi's attack on them was the killing of some of Te Haupa's tribe by her forefathers. She thus confirmed Hongi's relation to Mr. Marsden.

The well-known chief of Kororareka, Tara, died in November of this year, 1818.

Patu-one and Tu-whare's Expedition, 1819–20.

From a study of the tribal histories, so far as any are available, and a consideration of events in other parts, it is believed that the great Nga-Puhi expedition sometimes called Amiowhenua8 took place in the year 1819–20. It did not affect the main branch of Ngati-Whatua particularly, but the description of the doings of the expedition as it passed through their country and the Isthmus of Auckland will serve to show that the Ngati-Whatua tribes at this time were absent from the Auckland district. Their wars with Ngati-Paoa had led them to shun that part of the country; some were in hiding in the Waitakere Ranges, others were at Mangere or Waikato, so that but for occasional predatory expeditions, the Isthmus was without inhabitants, excepting Ngati-Paoa in their fortress of Mau-inaina.

For particulars of this expedition, I am indebted to a MS. of Mr. John White's, which was evidently written by a Maori who took part in it, but whose name is not given, very probably for the sufficient reason that the scenes he describes would have brought on him—at the time the paper was written—the enmity of the tribes who suffered so severely at the hands of Nga-Puhi and their allies. There is an absence of names of places and people also, which tends to the same conclusion.

This expedition was undertaken by the Nga-Puhi tribes of Hokianga—none of the Nga-Puhi proper of the east coast joining in it—together with many of the principal chiefs of Te Roroa, a tribe, as has been shown, equally related to Nga-Puhi and to Ngati-Whatua, and whose residence is principally to the south of Hokianga Heads, and extending thence to Kaihu on the Wairoa River, Kaipara. In this expedition we find these ancient enemies combining to make war on others.

The Nga-Puhi leaders were Patu-one, Nene, Te Wharepapa, Moetara, Te Kekeao, Tawhai, and many others. The Roroa leaders were Te Karu, Rori, Taoho, his younger brother Tuwhare, who was a great warrior and the latter's nephew, Tiopera-Kinaki. At Kawhia they were joined by the Ngati-Toa tribe under Te Rauparaha - 217 and Te Rangihaeata, and from there the combined forces passed on to Taranaki, Whanganui, Port Nicholson and Wai-rarapa, where, turning back, they followed the same route homewards, finally arriving at Hokianga about October, 1820, having left Hokianga about November, 1819.

The Maori account, after describing some battles the Hokianga people had had with the Rarawa tribes of the North, goes on to say:—

“So we dwelt some time at our homes in Lower Hokianga, until after a while, we again felt a desire for man's flesh, and the idea was conceived that we should go on a campaign against the tribes of the south. We accordingly assembled together and arranged with Hongi Hika to form an army to avenge the deaths of some of our people who had been killed by the Southern tribes on the occasion of a journey they made to procure mats in exchange for their Maori weapons.9 Nga-Puhi assembled at the mouth of Hokianga on the beach at Omapere, and then proceeded to offer the incantations to Niua and Pou-ahi, and also to Arai-te-uru, to propitiate the spirits of those sacred places.

“The following is the proceeding in such cases: When the war party of Nga-Puhi had been duly called together, the chief of each hapu in turn arose, and cutting off a lock of hair from the summit of his head—standing naked the while, all but his maro, or waist-cloth—took it in his right hand, and turned his glance towards the “mountains-of-prayer” (maunga hirihiri) of his home, repeated the karakia appropriate to those mountains, saying:—

Kotahi ki reira, One to that place,
Kotahi ki Pou-ahi, One to Pou-ahi,
Kotahi ki Niua, One to Niua,
Kotahi ki Arai-te-uru. One to Arai-te-uru.10

“As he repeated his karakia, on reaching the name of Pou-ahi, he threw part of the lock of hair towards that mount, and so on for the rest of them. The reason that this is done is so that the spirits of the dead shall turn to the speaker and assist him in the battle, so that he may be brave in the fight. The dead, of old, were buried in the mountains named in the karakia.

“On the south side of Hokianga Heads there is a cave in a perpendicular cliff, which has been the burial place of the people of Hokianga from time immemorable, and that cliff is one of the places invoked (hirihiri) when the war parties go forth to slay men, and its name is also recited in the thanksgiving for food. Ramaroa is the - 218 name of the cave. When that part of the country was purchased by Martin as a pilot station in March, 1832, the people removed the bones to another place, and it became common (noa). To reach the cave men were let down over the cliff with a rope.

“So soon as the karakia and other ceremonies connected therewith were over, the taua arose, and at once proceeded on its journey. They went by way of the West Coast, along the beach towards Maunga-nui, Bluff, and thence on to Kaipara, the mouth of which we crossed, and went on our way, via Kumeu, to Te Whau, and as far as Wai-te-mata, where Auckland now stands. There we found a taua of Waikato encamped at Mata-harehare (St. George's Bay, Parnell), another at Puke-kawa (Auckland Domain), another at Wai-ariki (Official Bay, Auckland). We fell on these parties by surprise, and not a single one escaped. In the places were we killed them we cooked their bodies and ate them. It was in this wise: Our taua did not go in one body, but separated; one hapu going one way, one another, so that all these parties of Waikato were surprised at the same time on the same day; and each hapu cooked and ate their own victims in the place where they were killed. This was the method we adopted—always to move silently along, taking cover where possible, and then to cook and eat all we caught.

“I will first relate the incidents of our journey from Aotea at Kaipara, by way of Kahu-topuni (the head of the Wai-te-mata) and on to Te Whau, which place we reached on the second night after leaving Aotea. During that time, we had to cook our food at night, lest the smoke of the fires should be seen; and we generally lit them in hollows or obscure corners, in order to ensure that our enemies did not perceive us by means of their spies. We were also careful in marching, lest Waikato should see our party moving along the hill-tops.

“From Te Whau some of our party were sent on to Onehunga in advance, six in number, and they had not been gone very long when my little slave that I had caught at Kaipara11 came to me and said, ‘Our spies have caught a woman and killed her; they are now cooking her to eat.’

“When we descended to the cultivations of Waikato (at Onehunga?) a girl was seen by some of our people lying hiding near there beneath a row of reeds. So we pulled her out, stark naked as she was, and killed her. She did not attempt to ward off the blows that were aimed at her, but placed her hands in front of her as a maro, - 219 or waist cloth, so that her front should not be seen. I thought, ‘Here is a people with whom shame is greater than fear of death’—since this girl did not use her hands to defend herself from the weapons, but as a maro. She was of high descent (uri-ariki) and a kotiro ata-ahua (a handsome girl). When she was dead, Turau, of Waihou (Hokianga) seized her legs and thighs, and taking her feet in his hands and using her legs as walking-sticks, proceeded thus to the ovens.

“None of our chiefs would cook food during the expedition, nor would they go near, or sit on the leeward side of food in preparation, for fear their tapu should be interfered with. The ovens in which the bodies were cooked were left covered over night until morning, so that the food might be soft and pulpy. The body of the girl referred to was brought to our camp, and there cooked for a long time (tamoe) that it might be nicely done.

“As I sat intently watching the people of our camp, my slave came to me and said, ‘Some of our people have caught a man, and are preparing him for the oven.’ I ran off to see who it was, and to find out what the Waikato men were like. On the way I was speaking to a red-haired girl, who had just been caught out in the open. We were then just at the eastern side of Maunga-whau (Mount Eden). This girl had been caught at the stream called Te Rua-reoreo. My companions remained with the girl, whilst I went on to see the man of Waikato who had been killed. When I arrived they were preparing the flesh; the bones were to be put to other purposes. One of the men engaged on the bones was working at the knee-cap I asked, ‘What is he doing?’ I was told, ‘The knee-cap is for a pipe. This man was killed in revenge; hence his bones are used for purposes of revenge (uto), and his leg bones will be made into flutes.’

“As we came back, I saw the head of the red-haired girl lying in the fern by the side of the track, and, further on, we overtook one of the Waihou men carrying a back-load of her flesh, which he was taking to our camp to cook for food; the arms of the girl were around his neck, whilst the body was on his back. Tahua, the son of Muriwai (of Utakura, Hokianga), was out collecting food, and as he returned from Onehunga towards our camp at Mata-harehare (St. George's Bay) by the eastern side of Maungakiekie (One-Tree Hill) he saw in the Waikato cultivations some of the Nga-Puhi women collecting food. He called out, thinking they were Waikato women, at which they fled in fear.

“One of the reasons why we went on this expedition was because some Nga-Puhi people had been killed at Motu-tapu by Waikato. When Hongi Hika heard of this he was very angry, and started down the east coast to obtain revenge, whilst our party came down the west - 220 coast from Hokianga. (The writer then goes on to describe an expedition of Hongi's into Waikato, which does not belong to this epoch at all, but occurred in 1825.) In one of the houses we saw the hands of some of the Nga-Puhi, who had been killed by Waikato at Motu-tapu; they were fastened to the walls of the house, with the wrists upwards, and the fingers turned up as hooks on which to hang food baskets. The hands had been roasted in the fire till the outer skin came off. The palms were quite white inside.

“Now, from our camp we sent out spies to look for the people of the country, and while they were absent I saw our tohunga or priest, performing the augury with the niu, and so I drew near. He was teaching the people the meaning of the signs of the niu. Then I saw the furrows in the earth made by the fern-stalks, nius, and learned their meaning and the names of the hapus that would fall in battle subsequent to the performance. At the end of this the priest spoke in a frenzied (kehua) manner, and explained to the people how to conduct themselves, and told of the lands we should pass over. It was during the night, however, that the priest spoke with particular ghostly (kehua) accent, but, as his voice was incoherent, I could not quite understand it all, nor was I clear as to whether our party was to conquer or to die in the battles which were to follow after his teaching.

“Our chiefs now sent away some of our people in a canoe to Te Kawau Island to obtain other canoes from the people there, who were some of our own tribe, which were to be used in our journey up the Waikato, but they came back without them. Hongi returned the way he came to the Bay of Islands.

“We were a long time at Wai-te-mata, and all the men (victims) that we killed there had been consumed; so we left and started towards Taranaki, that is, along the road to Waikato. Not having succeeded in getting canoes, we had to proceed overland, by the seashore of the west coast. We went by the mouth of the Waikato River. We had no reason for further man-killing, nothing but the pleasure of so doing. This is why we did not attack the tribes who dwelt on the road we followed. It was only those who menaced us and who obstructed our way whom we killed. This was the reason that we quickly reached the country of the south, Taranaki, having no difficulties on the way.”

Here ends the native account of the doings of this expedition so far as it relates to Ngati-Whatua territory; the rest describes, sometimes with full detail, the doings at Taranaki, Whanganui-a-Tara (Port Nicholson) and Wairarapa. Like most native histories it is unsatisfactory. For instance, no mention is made of the Ngati-Paoa tribe, who at that time must have be n in full force at their pa Mau-inaina, not - 221 many miles from the Nga-Puhi camps on the Auckland Isthmus. Nor is anything said of their passage through Kaipara, with the people of which place Nga-Puhi had been at constant war for close on 20 years. According to Mr. Fenton12, the Taou hapu of Ngati-Whatua were at this time living at Mangere, but Paora Kawharu tells me many of them were living at Kaipara, and that Tu-whare and party passed through without any fighting taking place.

“I will now relate our expedition to Taranaki, which was the third in which I took part. We had with us four guns. When we arrived before our enemies' pa our three marksmen went in front of the Taua, and as soon as the enemy saw us they would recognise us as a taua and their braves would climb up into the towers (puwhara) so that they might be the better able to throw down stones at us. Those braves did not know of the gun, nor of its deadly effects. When they got up to the towers they would grimace and put out their tongues at us and dare us to come on to attack them. They thought that some of us would be killed by their stones. Whilst they grimaced away we used to fire at them. It was just like a pigeon falling out of the tower! When the others heard the noise, saw the smoke and the flash, and the death of their braves, they thought it must be the god Maru that accompanied us, and that it was by his power (mana) and the tapu of our Tohunga that their braves were killed by the thunder of that god Maru. Then the whole pa would feel dispirited (wiwi) and stand without sense, so that we had only to assault the pa without any defence from the people. The people of the pa would have all the lamenting and we all the cheers (huro). Those that we killed we ate; those saved we made slaves of. We used to stay in the pas we took in this manner to eat of “the fish of Tu,” and nothing but the smell of the bodies made us draw on to another place.

“In this manner we passed through the Taranaki and Whanganui districts, and to Whangaehu and Manawatu and beyond to Otaki, killing as we went. At Otaki we found a whale ashore, and much whale-bone was lying on the beach near Pae-kakariki. We obtained one whale there. Then we proceeded on to Porirua and Kapiti; at the former place we saw the Kotuku (white crane), and killed some of the people of that part (Ngati-Ira), but there were no pas; the people were found and killed in their cultivations.

“Thus we proceeded along with the same eating of those whom we conquered, until we arrived at Te Whanganui-a-Tara (Port Nicholson). When we got there, starvation was our food. It was due to the number of slaves we took as we came along the West Coast to Te Whanganui-a-Tara (Port Nicholson), which we killed there, that we lived in - 222 that foodless place. Twenty-five of my slaves were killed as food during our stay at that place. It was arranged that each chief should kill some of his slaves as food for all of Nga-Puhi. We remained at Te Whanganui a-Tara until nearly all our slaves had been consumed.

“The name of this Island is Te Ika-a-Maui, and the branch of the sea at Poneke (or Wellington) is the right eye of Maui's fish, and Wairarapa is the left one. On the coast on the west side of Poneke are some rocks standing in a row which are called Te Tangihanga-a-Kupe,13 because they are in a row just like people lamenting (tangi ana). Those stones were men formerly—some were men, some women—and were there turned into stone. When we were at Kare-kawa we saw a ship sailing out at sea, so we lit some fires on the peaks of the hills so that the ship might come towards us, but the ship took no notice of our signals. If it had come, none of the people of the ship would have been hurt (rahua) by us, and if they had asked us we should have replied our business there was manslaying.

“Whilst at Poneke we camped on the beach at Pipitea, but there were two parties of us, one of which stayed at Te Aro. A party from one of our camps went to the West Coast to the sea of Rau-kawa (Cook's Straits), and they were all killed by the people of the land, being surprised in the night. But they were the young people of our taua and were tired of the careful manner in which our old men acted, hence they camped apart from us. One of our chiefs went with his tribe to pursue those who had killed our people, taking with him his daughter, who was a virgin, and engaged to a man at Hokianga. That chief, his daughter and all his hapu were killed by the same people who killed our young fellows.

“When we heard of that event he was already dead, and on hearing of the death of the others we decided to follow up and kill those people. They ate those of ours whom they killed and then proceeded to another place, abandoning the pa and went to the east to Wairarapa. We crossed the Wai-o-rotu by means of mokihis and followed after that people for three days, and then we found them and gave battle to them. We conquered and took many slaves, with whom we returned to the place where our chief who had been speared lay, and there killed all the slaves as food for the mourners for the chief. So soon as the funeral obsequies were over the head of the dead chief was cut off and the body buried, whilst the head was preserved to be taken back to Nga-Puhi. Whilst the work of preserving the head was proceeding and before the skin had become hard through the action of the smoke, some of ours went and took some of the nikau (palm leaves) from the shed (wharau) belonging to the Tohunga who was engaged on the preserving, to sleep on. In consequence we were afflicted with a disease, and out of our five hundred14 people of the taua, two hundred died through that accident. For this reason we resided at the mouth of - 223 the harbour on the east side. It was at that time that our great chiefs died of that disease, and their heads were preserved and the bodies burned lest the bones should be taken by the enemy. Some of those who died had relatives with the taua and it was these who preserved the heads, but the younger brothers who died had no relatives with sufficient mana to cut off their heads, so their whole bodies were burnt in the fire.

“No sooner had we recovered from this afflction than we were surprised by an attack from the people of the land, but we fought and beat them and they fled up the river (Hutt), whither we followed them. That river is inside the Islands of Matiu (Somes' Island) and Makaro. We followed them and caught them in a pa, which we assaulted and took, killing many people.

“We were two weeks at this pa, and so soon as we had consumed all the killed we went on up the river and took another pa in that place, where we stayed living on those who had been killed. We then went on again to another pa which our slaves had told us was the biggest pa in the Islands. So we went up the same river to search for this pa which had been spoken of, but when we got to a certain kainga we found it deserted by its people, and our two hundred once-told occupied the place. Another one hundred went on up the course of the river. We remained here about a week, when some of the people of the great pa came out and surprised the one hundred who were by themselves in the valley. There were only ten escaped, all the rest of the one hundred were killed. Then our division arose and proceeded to the place where they had been killed and discovered the way by which the taua who killed them had retreated. So we paddled on in our canoes till night, when we arrived at the great pa and beheld the numbers of people within it.15

“Te Rauparaha advised that the pa should not be assaulted but that we should paddle on beyond it, and let the people sally forth after us. So we paddled on past the pa and the people came out and followed along the banks of the river, keeping up with our canoes. When we came to a branch of the main river, the people were stopped by it because it was very deep mud (paru oru). If they had attempted to cross, we should have attacked them whilst they were in confusion. We landed on the opposite side of the branch river and stayed there. As we paddled along the river with the people of the land moving along with us on the bank, they were jeering and teasing us; they said we were very impudent (whakahihi), being so few in numbers to come and attack such a numerous people. They were indeed numerous. They said that they could easily eat us all up with their numbers, and that we were so few that we should not furnish a meal to all. Our Tohunga told us not to answer their speeches, so we - 224 remained on the bank of the branch river whilst the other people remained on the other bank, where we mutually looked towards one another whilst they continued to jeer at us, we remaining silent. Our slaves were also sitting silently in our canoes. The Nga-Puhi were ashore moving to and fro, whilst our slaves were cooking food for us. Then we assembled and remained in rank altogether whilst the Tohunga stood forth to recite his Karakias over us on the bank of the river; when this was done we went on board the canoes, which belonged to the people of the land but had been seized by us along the river where they had been hidden.

“By this time the people of the land had assembled in great numbers on the bank of the river watching us. Those of Nga-Puhi who possessed guns were the first to cross the river, and soon they were near the people standing close together on the bank, who were grimacing at us and putting out their tongues and telling us to land where they were. They probably thought that their numbers would ensure our deaths. Then the guns were fired and with the noise down went a man; every shot told. Surprise at the noise of the guns led them to stand listless with fear; then sounded the wail, and with a loud shout the people fled, running along the bank of the muddy river hoping to cross, but one of our canoes had gone up the stream before. The people then returned and crossed over to the mainland, where some were shot from that canoe. We then all landed and found the enemy all confused by the guns, so that many of them were killed, the rest retreating by the way they came to follow our canoes. We followed up the retreating people and slew them as we went, saving some as slaves.

“So the people retreated and we followed until we all reached the pa belonging to them into which they entered and our people with them. We then commenced killing them within the pa until we were tired of it, and the pa was full of dead bodies. Then were cooked the ‘fish of Tu.’

“Three weeks we remained here feeding on the dead bodies, but could not eat them all; the rest we used only the flesh of, throwing away the bones, and put it on to stages to dry in the sun. The flesh was then gathered into baskets and oil was poured over it, the oil being rendered down from the bodies; this was done to prevent its spoiling with the damp. The bones of those eaten were put in the fire, lest the people of the country should return and collect them and bury them in their wahi-tapus. The heads of the chiefs were severed from the bodies and collected into a heap, and then some of us got other heads and flung them at the heap. The head of one great chief was placed on the summit of the heap as a special mark for other heads to be thrown at. It was an amusement indulged in by - 225 our forefathers, but in their case the heap was made of stones, at which other stones were thrown: but we used the heads instead of stones, until they were all smashed up. This was the doing of us older men, and so soon as they were well smashed up the young men took the heads and burnt them up in the fire. Those young fellows thought this a very amusing entertainment. The bones of the legs and arms had the ends broken off and with a piece of fern-stalk warmed in the fire melted the marrow inside, which we then sucked out or used it to flavour our potatoes with. Then the bones were burnt lest they should be buried by the people of the land.

“After staying a week at this place we went inland to attack another pa, situated up the river from the one we were at. This pa had been spoken of to us by our prisoners, so we went and discovered it. Te Rauparaha then advised us to make peace with the people, but to do so only in appearance, so that the people might think it a binding peace (rongo-taketake). We then made this sham peace with the people of the pa, so that they might not understand our intentions of taking it. It was a large pa and a great many people in it; they were very nnmerous (pio), and we very few. So we sent our messengers to the pa to make peace, and an invitation to their warriors (three hundred and fifty topu) to come to our feast which we had prepared for them; we were equally numerous at that time. So the three hundred and fifty once-told came to our feast, and we arranged that we should sit alternately (kinakinaki) when eating the food—it was Te Rauparaha who made this arrangement. When the food came for the guests, brought into the marae by our women, and so soon as it was deposited in front of them our people were to stand up with their maros on only, and so soon as they stretched out their hands to the food, Te Rauparaha was to give the sign to us, when we were to strike the head of each man who sat near him. So the feast was arranged and the food cooked and brought to the marae by the women, and they commenced to eat; when Te Rauparaha gave the signal, directly the people were shouting and wailing whilst our weapons split open their heads—the noise was just like that of a calabash being smashed. The whole of the three hundred and fifty were killed by us; not a single one escaped. We then took the pa and killed those within, the people being so demoralised by our actions that they had no strength or valour left. Thus we took the pa, killing those we thought fit and enslaving others. By the time they were aware of our attack they were dead men.

“All these works of treachery, ambushes, murders, and all these wrongs done by the taua of Nga-Puhi were taught them by Te Rauparaha.

- 226

“Our chiefs in this campaign were Nene, Hongi Hika (returned from Waitemata to the north), Patu-one, Te Wharepapa, Moe-tara, Te Rauparaha, Te Rangi-haeata, Te Kekeao, Tawhai, and many others who are dead; amongst those mentioned, Te Kekeao and Moe-tara are dead.

“After these adventures in the Hutt Valley we left Poneke and went to Wairarapa to seek further revenge for the death of the girl and her father, who had been killed on the shore of Cook's Straits. We went in our canoes to the mouth of the river of Wairarapa, which is said to be sometimes closed up by the action of the waves on the sand in summer, and by the fish in the sea at the same mouth. During the winter the mouth is burst open (wekua) by the floods. We paddled up the river in our canoes, guided by our slaves who were from Ngati-Kahu-ngunu, and had been taken during our fights with them in the lands we had passed over. Those slaves were very brave and had great ferocity in man killing, the reason being was hatred of their capture by us as slaves. We paddled up the river till we came to a pa, where the river is fifteen kumi (300 yards) wide; in the river, that is, in the takere of the river, there was a raupo mud bank and below the pa was a log stuck in the water with a bunch (puapua) of fern tied on top of the pole, with a great many weeds (taru) tied to it. This was a post to bewitch us, but we felt no fear at it, and but for the plenty of firewood we should have used it to light our fires and cook our food with. So we went on and reached the landing place of the pa, when the people came forth and (takina) threw a spear. When they turned back towards the pa, they turned backwards (koaro), which was an omen. We then landed on the raupo mud bank and slept there. It was winter and excessively cold; our teeth constantly chattered. Including our slaves we numbered fifty topu (or 100).

“In the morning we separated into our various hapus, and each went to a separate place. Te Rauparaha was there with us. We all sat in ranks, each hapu by itself and in a different place. Then came the Tohunga of each hapu with a branch of Karamu in his hand, which he dipped in the water and then repeated this Karakia, to make the taua brave:—

Tupe hingahinga,
Tupe takoto,
Tupe ara,
Ka tau te ruhi,
Ka tau te ngenge,
Te hameha,
Mai o Tu,
E Tu! Whakaoria!

“He then struck the right shoulder of each man of the party with the Karamu branch which he had dipped in the water. If a leaf of - 227 the branch fell off or a branch broke while the Tohunga struck it on the man, he would die on the battle field next after the ceremony of tohi taua.

“As we sat there at the ceremony, we were subject to the darts (kopere) cast by the people of the pa, besides spears which they threw. As soon as the ceremony was at an end we entered our canoes and went up the river, where we were attacked by the people of the pa. Before we could land they dashed at us, but we had guns, and although there was a vast number of them we gave them a volley and landed. The people of the land were much frightened at our guns and retreated to the pa, and there turned on us, at which we retreated and also lost some of our men. We then turned upon them and they retreated towards the pa; we followed and got into the pa with them. The greater number of the enemy fled to the forest, but those who fled to the pa were killed by us, whilst others were captured alive. We then commanded our female prisoners to scrape flax and we twisted it up with their long hair into ropes attached to each woman of the slaves, and these were the ropes by which we led them during our travels over the land; but these same women ran away because they cut their ropes with a cockle shell, procured from no one knew where. The men and the girls whom we caught we placed in an enclosed place (pahiko-taeapa) made like the enclosure (pahiko) used to keep Native dogs in. But even these escaped. They dug a hole beneath the posts of the fence and were off. From that place we went towards Wairua, guided by our slaves, who led us to a place inland of the pa and behind it. This pa was wattled? (kopekope) by the people with flax. We said to the people of the pa, ‘We have brought guns for you.’ We were thirty once-told in numbers who went to that pa to take the present, and some of the people came back to our camp to partake of our feast we had prepared. It was Te Rauparaha who gave a sign to our people as they were eating and they were all killed by our men. When these had been killed we surprised the pa, taking it and killing every one to the last man.

“We now considered that the death of the girl and her father had been sufficiently avenged, and so we returned by the way we came to Whanganui, where we saw a new pa that had been built after we left. We assulted, stormed and took it and killed the people.”

The story winds up by saying that the war-party then returned to their homes at Hokianga, but it omits several incidents, some of which are given below. We are relating the Nga-Puhi doings, not those of Ngati-Toa, who joined the expedition at Kawhia under their principal chief Te Rauparaha, so much must be left until the history of the migration of the latter's tribe from Kawhia is related.

- 228

It has already been stated that with this Nga-Puhi expedition were a number of Te Roroa tribe of northern Kaipara under their great toa or brave, Tu-whare, who was a younger brother of Taoho, and who, together with Muru-paenga of Ngati-Whatua, inflicted on Nga-Puhi the defeat at Moremo-nui, already described. The number of Te Roroa tribe in the expedition is said to have been one hundred topu or two hundred warriors, and with them was also a chief named Pouroto. When the party were on their return home, and whilst camped at Porirua, Pouroto conceived the idea that he should like to cross to the South Island for a little more man-slaying. He started with a large party in canoes, against the advice of the others; but a storm coming suddenly on, he and all his party perished, whilst their companions looked on from the heights without being able to render any assistance. This loss caused much grief to Nga-Puhi and Ngati-Toa.

The new pa referred to above, at Whanganui, is said to have been Turua, on the east bank of the river, nearly opposite the present town. After the taking of this pa, the people fled up the river, but some of the Nga-Puhi expedition followed them. For the following account, I am indebted principally to Mr. Elsdon Best, who obtained it from the Whanganui people a few years ago:—

“On the return northward of the Nga-Puhi expedition, the warriors forced their way up the Whanganui River in canoes. The people of Puke-namu (Rutland Stockade, Town of Whanganui), Patupo and Taumaha-a-aute (a pa near the Shakespear Cliffs) and other pas in that neighbourhood fled up the river. As Tu-whare and his party advanced he was attacked and harassed by the people occupying the numerous pas on either side of the river. The Whanganui tribe closed in on his rear as he advanced, thus cutting off his retreat and communication with those left near the mouth of the river. ‘But,’ said the Maori narrator, 'what was that to Tu-whare! He cleared a path for his party by the terror of his guns. When our people heard the sound of those guns we thought they were pu-tatara (native trumpets), and our old men said, ‘Does this man think to conquer Te Ati-Hau with his pu-tatara? Are the descendants of Ao-Kehu and Tama-whiro, of Hau-pipi and Pae-rangi, flying from a sound?’ So said our warriors. But when we saw our people falling dead around us, struck from afar off, killed by invisible means, then the knowledge came to us that this was the new weapon of which we had heard, and we realised that our rakau-Maori, or native weapons, were of little avail against the pu-mata, or muskets. Still we resisted the advance of the Nga-Puhi and constantly kept up the attack all the way up the river, some in advance, some following behind and taking advantage of every coin of vantage. Far up Te-Awa-nui-a-Rua - 229 (Whanganui River) did Tu-whare fight his way until he reached Te Ana-o-Tararo near Makokoti, above Pipiriki. Here the river narrows in between high cliffs on either side. On the summit of the cliffs a great multitude of people of the Whanganui tribes had assembled to try and stay the progress of Nga-Puhi. Our messengers had gone forth to alarm the tribes of the river and the interior, and in response numbers came to the rendevouz. There gathered the hapus of Te Ati-Hau, Patu-tokotoko, Nga-Poutama, Ngati-Pa-Moana and Nga-Paerangi, at Te Ana-o-Tararo. The tribes of inland Tuhua, and even of Taupo-nui-a-Tia sent their contingents to help exterminate the boastful Nga-Puhi.

“When the canoes of Tu-whare were passing through the narrow pass of Te Ana-o-Tararo, we attacked them. From the summits of the cliffs we hurled down on them great logs and huge stones, crushing the canoes, and killing many of their crews. Some turned back on their course down the river, but we followed and slew many. Ah! Te Wai-nui-a-Tarawera (Whanganui River) ran red to the ocean that day. The Nga-Puhi, who thought to conquer the whole world with their guns, were destroyed by the children of Hau-nui-a-paparangi under the shining sun that day!”

Tu-whare, however, was not slain in the pass. Some of the Nga-Puhi got away, and landed to rest at a village on the river bank. Whilst doing so they were again attacked by the Whanganui people. Tu-whare was eagerly rushing out to join in the melee, when passing round the corner of a house, after firing off his two guns, he was felled by a man named Te Aomarama (or Te Whainga), but was not killed. Turning his face on his opponent, he said: “Thine is not the arm of a chief, or I should have been killed—it is the arm of a cultivator!” Tu-whare's own people got him away, wounded unto death, and rapidly made the descent of the river to the main body at the mouth. Here he was placed on a kauhoa, or stretcher, and borne along by his sorrowing followers for two or three days' march, as far as Taiporohe-nui, near Kete-marae (near Normanby), where this brave chief expired.

His companions bore his corpse along as they passed up the coast as far as Manutahi, on the north bank of Waitara, where he was buried in the same cemetery as Tau-kawau, the leader of the previous expedition from the north, who was also killed, as already related.

This was Tu-whare's third expedition to Taranaki, in all of which he displayed the qualities of a great warrior. It is said by some accounts that his elder brother, Taoho, was with this last expedition, but it is not certain.

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From Taranaki the party passed on to Kawhia, where the northern tribes took farewell of their companions in arms—the Ngati-Toa and their leader, Te Rauparaha, to whom they presented 50 stands of arms, an important factor in the daring migration that the Ngati-Toa chief had already determined on whilst in the nieghbourhood of Kapiti, which presented to his mind a most desirable residence as bringing him near to the place which the flax-trading vessels were already beginning to frequent, and from whom he hoped to obtain the arms he so much coveted with which to extend his conquests. But Te Rauparaha's migration does not belong to this story.

The Nga-Puhi and Te Roroa expedition reached their homes in northern Kaipara and Hokianga about October, 1820.

(To be continued).

1  Te Morenga was Marsden's great friend. He belonged to the Uri-Kapana hapu of Tai-a-mai, some 15 miles west of the Bay of Islands.
2  It is necessary to say, that in the old Missionary records, the East Cape seems to include any place south of Mercury Bay.
3  Hine-mati-oro was a very high chieftainess of the Aitanga-a-Hauiti tribe, whose headquarters was Tologa Bay.
4  I am sincerely grateful to Dr. T. M. Hocken, F.L.S., of Dunedin, for a loan of the latter work. So far as I know there are very few copies in the Colony—hence the value of Dr. Hocken's copy, and his great kindness in lending it. Some of my references were obtained from Dumont D'Urville's extracts from the “Register” published in the third volume of the “Voyage autour du Monde,” whilst for later years I am indebted to our fellow-member, Mr. C. A. Ewen.
5  See Maui's life, “Missionary Register,” 1817, p. 71, by Rev. Basil Woodd.
6  I have an idea that Rutherford, whose adventures in New Zealand were published in 1830, escaped from one of these vessels when the attack was made. It was either at Mercury or Kennedy's Bay this attack took place.
7  Owing to the conflict of authorities, it cannot be stated with certainty whether Te Whetu-matarau pa, near Hicks Bay, fell during this expedition or during one a few years later.
8  Amiowhenua is more correctly applied to the Waikato-Ngati-Whatua expedition of a few years later.
9  Probably Tau-kawau's expedition in 1816–17.
10  See the origin of the names in “Peopling of the North,” p. 24.
11  From this little incident we learn that Ngati-Whatua were hostile to the Nga-Puhi expedition, but it is the only reference to the fact; it is what might be expected from knowing the relations between the two tribes at the time.
12  Orakei Judgment.
13  Barrett's Reef.
14  i.e.:—One thousand, once-told.
15  It would not be possible to paddle very far up the Hutt River at the present day; but it must be remembered that the earthquake of 1855 raised all the land around Wellington and probably made a great difference in the Hutt River.